Showing posts with label RSS. Show all posts
Showing posts with label RSS. Show all posts

Hinduism - What Is The Vishva Hindu Parishad?


 Vishva Hindu Parishad is a Hindu religious organization based in India.

(VHP) Modern Hindu religious group connected with the Rashtriya Svayamsevak Sangh (RSS), a conservative Hindu organization whose avowed mission is to produce the leadership cadre for a rejuvenated Hindu India.

When RSS leader Madhav Sadashiv Golwalkar met with a group of Hindu religious leaders in Bombay in 1964, the VHP was created.

Their immediate concern was Pope Paul VI's planned visit to India, which they saw as a covert effort to convert Hindus to Christianity, which they intended to combat by founding an organization committed to Hinduism propagation.

With little fanfare and little influence on public perception, the VHP concentrated its concentration for the next fifteen years on opposing Christian missionary operations in northeastern India.

The conversion of some untouchables to Islam in the Tamil Nadu hamlet of Minakshipuram in 1982 was a watershed moment in the VHP's public image.

The VHP seized on this widely reported incident as proof that Hindu identity was in jeopardy, and responded by undertaking a series of inventive public activities, first in Tamil Nadu and then throughout the country.

The VHP's resurgence coincided with the RSS's shift toward activism, as well as the BJP's decision to adopt a more militantly Hindu character.

Many of the VHP's national campaigns coincided with national or state elections, and many of them were concentrated on the effort to erect a temple to the deity Rama in the city of Ayodhya, at the alleged birthplace of Rama.

The intended temple location was occupied by the Babri Masjid, a Muslim mosque erected after the ancient Rama temple was demolished, according to the VHP.

As a result, the temple campaign evoked strong memories of historical persecution as well as the boldness of a resurgent Hindu identity.

The VHP's political involvement has helped the BJP become the dominant political party in most of northern India.

Throughout India, the VHP's advocacy has evoked a wide range of feelings.

Proponents refer to the organization's long history of charitable work and its role in strengthening and defining modern Hindu identity.

Detractors object to the RSS's disdain for legal formalities, as was shown by the destruction of the Babri Masjid in December 1992, as well as its sometimes caustic anti-Muslim rhetoric and, despite its unique institutional identity, its ultimate control by the RSS.

Others have chastised the VHP for seeking to define and regulate the character of "Hinduism" by declaring some "necessary" Hindu practices as antithetical to Hindu heritage.

Other opponents reject the VHP's claim to speak for all Hindus, pointing out that its genuine authority resides in the hands of brahmins and other privileged castes; these critics perceive the VHP as an organization meant to hide its true objective, which is to maintain upper-class power and privilege.

For more information, see Walter K. Andersen and Shridhar D. Damle's The Brotherhood in Saffron (1987); James Warner Björkman's Fundamentalism, Revivalists, and Violence in South Asia (1988); Tapan Basu et alKhaki .'s Shorts and Saffron Flags (1993); Lise McKean's Divine Enterprise (1996); and Christophe Jaffrelot's The Hindu Nationalist Movement in India (1996).

Kiran Atma

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Hinduism - What Is The Rashtriya Svayamsevak Sangh Or RSS?

Dr. K. B. Hedgewar formed the Rashtriya Svayamsevak Sangh  ("National Volunteer Corps," afterwards RSS) Hindu nationalist movement in 1925.

The RSS has adhered to Hindutva values from its founding, believing that Hindus are a nation despite geographical, linguistic, and cultural distinctions.

The RSS has long been known as a cultural and character-building organization that has avoided direct political action for most of its existence, yet wielding tremendous power via its numerous linked groups.

RSS training emphasizes devotion, obedience, discipline, and commitment to the Hindu nation's growth, but it discourages the formation of independent thinking.

The daily meetings of its local units, known as shakhas ("branches"), are at the center of its program.

Members, known as svayamsevaks ("volunteers"), spend part of their time at these meetings playing games, part of their time doing martial arts drills (including sparring with sticks), and part of their time debating and learning RSS beliefs.

A full-time RSS worker known as a pracharak ("director") administers the shakhas in any particular region, serving as a bridge between the local units and the RSS leadership and overseeing RSS operations in his area.

The RSS is an aristocratic group whose self-proclaimed objective is to offer leadership for a resurgent Hindu India.

The majority of its members will never get beyond the local level, but those that do are astonishingly efficient and successful leaders.

Although the RSS has avoided direct activity in order to protect its self-proclaimed cultural focus, it has had a significant impact via the development of allied organizations for which it has supplied leadership.

From labor and student unions to service groups, religious organizations like the Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP), and political parties like the Bharatiya Janata Party, these organizations may be found at every level of Indian society.

The RSS has produced some very successful leaders, but it has also sparked a lot of debate.

One explanation for this is that it is a very authoritarian institution modeled after the Hindu joint family.

All power is concentrated in the hands of a single supreme leader, the sarsanghchalak, and it is passed down from there.

In this regard, the RSS is very undemocratic, and many of its critics, notably in politics, have expressed concern about it being the controlling hand behind its associated groups.

Other critics have expressed concern about the organization's anti-Muslim and anti-Christian tone—non-Hindus were not permitted to join until 1979—a tone based in Hindutva ideology.

Finally, I have a social reservation regarding the RSS.

The RSS has always condemned untouchability and claimed that there are no caste disparities inside its ranks; in line with its Hindutva traditions, it declares that all of its members are Hindus and Hindus exclusively.

However, opponents have pointed out that the majority of RSS members are from the brahmin and other privileged castes, and that all of the RSS's leaders are brahmins.

These opponents argue that such apparent denial of caste distinctions is a ruse to maintain brahmin power and hide who the RSS genuinely represents.

For more information, see Walter K. Andersen and Shridhar D. Damle, The Brotherhood in Saffron (1987); K.

Jayaprasad, The RSS and Hindu Nationalism (1991); Daniel Gold, "Organized Hinduisms: From Vedic Truth to Hindu Nation," in Martin Marty and R. Scott Appleby (eds. ), Fundamentalisms Observed (1991); Tapan Basu et al. 

Hinduism - Who Are The Jana Sangh?


Shyam Prasad Mookerjee created the Jana Sangh, a modern Indian political party, in 1951.

Despite Mookerjee's previous affiliation with the Hindu Mahasabha, a Hindu nationalist group, the Jana Sangh's leadership was mostly derived from volunteers deployed by the Rashtriya Svayamsevak Sangh, a conservative Hindu organization (RSS).

By the mid-1950s, the Jana Sangh had evolved into the RSS's political wing, with RSS members occupying the majority of the party's key posts.

The Jana Sangh championed several populist Hindu concerns in its political platform, including a ban on cow slaughter and the prohibition of alcoholic drinks, but the party was also known for its sympathy for farmers, who were one of its most significant constituents.

The Jana Sangh reached its pinnacle in 1977, when it gained ninety-three seats in Parliament in general elections.

It was the biggest single party in the political alliance that toppled Indira Gandhi's Congress Party and brought the two-year martial rule to an end.

This victory was short-lived: the Janata government fell apart over the so-called dual-membership dispute, which stemmed from worries over Jana Sangh members also belonging to the RSS.

Other legislators regarded this as a conflict of interest, and they were also concerned about their government being guided by the RSS, which was seen as a Hindu chauvinist movement.

Outside legislators requested that Jana Sangh members cut all relations with the RSS, which the latter refused to do.

All efforts at compromise failed, and the Jana Sangh MPs and other remnants of the Janata government created the Bharatiya Janata Party when the Congress Party regained power in 1980.

Walter K. Andersen and Shridhar D. Damle's book The Brotherhood in Saffron was published in 1987, while Bruce Desmond Graham's book Hindu Nationalism in Indian Politics was published in 1990.


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Hinduism - Who Was Dr. K. B. Hedgewar?

Dr. K. B. Hedgewar (1889–1940) was the founder and first supreme leader (sarsanghchalak) of the Rashtriya Svayamsevak Sangh (RSS), which he established in Nagpur, central India, in 1925.

The RSS is a conservative Hindu organization that was founded with the explicit objective of providing leadership for a revived Hindu India.

For the most of its existence, the RSS has described its mission as cultural rather than religious or political.

Dr. Hedgewar's persona and the RSS are closely related to the tumultuous years after World War I, and the great dislocation in Indian society that accompanied the struggle for freedom.

Hedgewar had been active in the independence struggle as a young man, and had even backed Mohandas Gandhi's Congress Party for a period.

However, by the early 1920s, he had lost faith in Gandhi's tactics.

He was also inspired by Hindu nationalist Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, whose core theory was that Hindus constituted a nation despite significant geographical, social, linguistic, and religious distinctions.

In 1925, during the Vijaya Dashami (Dussehra) holiday, Hedgewar founded the RSS to aid in the creation of the Hindu country by uniting Hindus who had previously been divided by caste and class.

This day is noteworthy because any activity launched on Vijaya Dashami, according to common Hindu belief, would definitely succeed.

Hedgewar was the RSS's leader until his death, fifteen years after it was created.

The RSS was established to preserve Hindu interests as well as to develop a leadership cadre.

On one level, it aimed to do this by cultivating more forceful, tough members and teaching them how to employ traditional weapons like the wooden staff.

On a different level, the RSS has a long history of humanitarian work with refugees and natural disaster victims, and one of its purposes is to serve the Hindu community.

In any event, the RSS has a reputation for being anti-Muslim—non-Hindus were forbidden from joining until 1977—and many of its members see Muslims as foreigners in India, if not outright enemies.

Hedgewar maintained the RSS firmly out of politics throughout his life, and his claim that it was a cultural and character-building organization enabled it avoid being outlawed by the British.

The RSS extended from Maharashtra to other regions of India under the umbrella of a cultural group, assisted in part by worsening Hindu-Muslim relations in the years leading up to India's independence in 1947.

See Walter K. Andersen and Shridhar D. Damle's The Brotherhood in Saffron (1987); Tapan Basu et alKhaki .'s Shorts and Saffron Flags (1993); and Christophe Jaffrelot's The Hindu Nationalist Movement in India (1996) for further details. 

You may also want to read more about Hinduism here.

Be sure to check out my writings on religion here.

Hinduism - Who Is Madhav Sadashiv Golwalkar?


Madhav Sadashiv Golwalkar (1904–1973) The Rashtriya Svayamsevak Sangh's second sarsanghchalak ("Supreme Leader") (RSS).

The RSS is a conservative Hindu group whose stated objective is to develop a leadership cadre for a rejuvenated Hindu India; throughout the most of its existence, the RSS has described its mission as cultural rather than religious or political.

In RSS history, Golwalkar is a pivotal player.

After the death of the organization's founder, Dr. K.B. Hedgewar, he assumed command in 1940 and led it through the turbulent years leading up to India's independence.

The RSS and numerous other organizations were temporarily outlawed after Mohandas Gandhi was assassinated by Hindu nationalist Nathuram Godse in 1948.

The RSS has never been linked to Gandhi's killing, despite initial suspicions.

The RSS continued to operate underground under the prohibition, and many of its leaders became more politically involved, a movement Golwalkar had previously resisted.

When the prohibition was lifted in 1949, the RSS started to wield more power by founding and financing connected groups including labor unions, student organizations, charity organizations, and political parties.

This pattern lasted throughout Golwalkar's presidency, albeit he was significantly less active than his successor, Balasaheb Deoras.

See Walter K. Andersen and Shridhar D. Damle's The Brotherhood in Saffron (1987) and Tapan Basu et alKhaki .'s Shorts and Saffron Flags (1993) for further information. 

You may also want to read more about Hinduism here.

Be sure to check out my writings on religion here.