Showing posts with label Mythology. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Mythology. Show all posts

Hinduism - Who Is Vinata In Hindu Mythology?

 



In Hindu mythology, Vinata is the sister of Kadru and the daughter of the holy sage Daksha.


Vinata gives birth to eagles, the most renowned of which is Garuda, while Kadru gives birth to serpents.


Conflict between these two sisters is said to be the source of the traditional animosity between these two species of animals.


One day, the sisters argue over the color of a certain heavenly horse's tail, with Vinata claiming it is white and Kadru claiming it is black.

The argument intensifies until they agree that the one who is incorrect will become a slave to the other.

To assure her win, Kadru convinces a number of her children to hang from the horse's back, making the tail seem black from a distance.

When Vinata sees the black snakes, she acknowledges her loss and is forced to serve Kadru under exceedingly difficult circumstances for many years.


She is eventually saved by her son, Garuda, who, upon discovering what has happened, begins a never-ending campaign of snake extermination.



~Kiran Atma


You may also want to read more about Hinduism here.

Be sure to check out my writings on religion here.


Understanding Sacred Groves

Inadequate knowledge, understanding and awareness of sacred groves is thought to be the major cause for interpretation of many unnoticed, naturally preserved, deep-seated and concealed sacred sites and forests formed within the thickets of the Himalayan mountains and forests as sacred groves, resulting in an invalid classification and incorrigible documentation of the priceless virgin and natural ecosystems. 

This misinformed understanding generates a seemingly surplus number of sacred groves, and thus creates an unsustainable future for both the natural groves and the ancient sites embedded within thick forests. 

The major criteria for distinguishing sacred groves from sacred sites are considered here, along with a more rationalized description encapsulating typological parameters of sacred groves.

The recent mix of criteria given by various scholars in designating sacred groves seems to be based on an understanding that sacred groves consist of remnants of pristine forest or cultural artefact embedded in a densely forested site near some place of worship, bearing any historic anecdote of the grove, with a shrine created for the deity in a dedicated place regarded as geniu.

Such concerns reveal a lack of familiarity with the standard typological characteristics of sacred groves, leading to the misinterpretation of sacred or religious areas as sacred groves. To reinforce their typology and underpin the semantic demarcation between the two closely related concepts sacred groves and sacred sites, it is therefore essential to develop a rationalized definition of sacred groves with specific, coherent, and concrete parameters. 

The word sacred, according to the typological criteria of sacred groves, implies certain extraordinary qualities that elicit feelings of strength, wonder, awe, transcendence, harmony, and healing. 


~Trees are the first temple of gods and embody existence and the sacred continuity of metaphysical, cosmic, and physical universes.~ 


Based on people's religious attitudes toward trees, they may be considered holy, blessed, or sacred. Ficus religiosa Lev., also known as peepal, and Ficus benghalensis L., also known as bargad, are examples of holy trees.

A blessed tree is an abode of angels or a god who guards it, and it is worshipped because of the religious devotion of those who worship it with the intention of pleasing the deity inside, such as the Kalpvraksh. Sacred trees are those that are exposed to realistic manifestations of reverence, adoration, and deep veneration in order to honor a god or to appease a devil, demon, or other ghostly creature, offer protection for ghosts, warn current generations of ancestors, or defend a sanctified location from willful harm and exploitation.

When sacred trees are related to significant religious or historical events, they take on a symbolic status that allows them to manifest the events and serve as a conduit between man and deity. The related gods and spirits hold the word holy in high regard, as shown by their fear and awe. Sacred groves are ecosystems that only include sacred trees in specific areas, are owned solely by the local clan responsible for their creation, protection, and oversight, and have special values exclusive to their own community and faith, with limited human intervention. As a result, it arose from the urge of the locals to live in peace with the spirits identified with natural forests.

The typology of sacred groves is determined by a variety of factors related to tree cover that are described differently by different staff. These meanings, on the other hand, were ecological, originating from a botanical ideal or culmination, rather than dependent on local knowledge. Other scholars have offered a more detailed description, which is more broadly accepted, as segments of landscape containing trees and other aspects of life as well as geographical features that are delimited and preserved by human activities in the belief that maintaining such a patch of vegetation in a reasonably undisturbed state is important for expressing one's connection to the divine or to nature.

Scared groves and religious sites have different characteristics. Sacred woods in general  have the fundamental elements including  — 

  • The holy trees are natural elements. 
  • Deities, ghosts, holy spirits, or ghostly, strange people living in the forest are all supernatural elements. 
  • Human rituals involving trees to appease supernatural or demonic figures. Botanical criteria: high biodiversity and climax vegetation. 
  • The deities or demons are created in the absence of nature and are unique to each clan. Anthropomorphic shapes are a new artefact that is uncommon. 
  • The idol is inextricably linked to the grove's trees. 
  • Sacred trees take priority over gods and other objects in terms of religion.

Clan-specific religious practices are often unnatural and unholy. The endogamous clan oversees all ceremonies. Even for prayers and praise, it is impenetrable to ordinary citizens. Inside the sacred environment, strict caution is maintained against joining, cutting, splitting, plucking, or even touching plant specimens. Picking plant droppings is also forbidden. Normal, primary, evergreen forests are represented by the tree types. Both trees and the life forms that they support are revered. Because of the related values and taboos tied to holy trees, the authoritative clan protects plants to avoid harming the god, who will retaliate by taking revenge on the whole group.

Human features such as holy monuments, mosques, shrines, and their architectural significance, as well as divine entities such as spirits that dwell in a shrine and bless humans, make up sacred sites. Rituals performed by humans in honor of temple gods. Anthropogenic conditions include the development of a road through a natural forest that supports biodiversity. The gods aren't apart from nature. They are the anthropomorphic manifestations of universal gods, demons, or prophets. The worship of devils and angels is prohibited. It's possible that the idol has nothing to do with trees. Idol worship takes precedence; trees and forests may be worshipped or not.

Religious rituals are based on the pilgrim-deity relationship and are carried out using systematic procedures. Pilgrims and ordinary people who frequent shrines on sacred grounds, either personally or by priests, conduct rituals. Is a pilgrimage hotspot where people come from all over the world to pray and worship. Only the shrine, temple, and idol inside are protected from damage. There is no vigilance or taboo surrounding the shrine's plants. Natural components of surrounding forest tree types may not be primary in nature. Only a monument, a sanctuary, a synagogue, a tomb, a mosque, or a memorial park as well as the gods that are worshipped are called holy. Plants may be conserved unwittingly if the holy site is deep inside a forest beyond the reach of human settlements and often avoids intrusion due to its proximity to a religious monument. Here are the seven main elements that characterize the typological characteristics of sacred groves. A divine power's abode.

The deities or demons worshipped inside are abstracted from nature and believed to pervade whole groves as indistinct beings such as tree spirits — 

  • Vanadevatas or Vanadevis; 
  • Abstract strange creatures and evil spirits — atmas, bhutas, pretas, jinnas; 
  • Or animal deities and tribal totems — serpent or naga, panther and tiger, often represented by vacant spots, crude stones, and termite mounds.

In most instances, there is also some natural foliage. Sacred groves are multispecies, multi-tier virgin forest or a set of trees, climax primary vegetation with keystone species and rich floral diversity, a repository of unique genetic variants and remnants of species specific to the particular geographical region that may have succumbed to threats and perished from the denuded surroundings, and a repository of specific genetic variants and remnants of species specific to the particular geographical region that may have succumbed to threats and perished from the denuded surroundings. Both visually and geographically, they are well described.

As opposed to the peripheral buffer region, sacred groves stand out as separate, visually varied areas of initial forest, not blending with the enveloping tampered landscape and providing a rich representation of sacred trees inside. They also have a distinct water body. Sacred groves are often associated with historical, cultural, or religious concerns. Local people bind inherent divine perceptions, memories, and beliefs to the sacred trees and the whole grove for which they are enshrined in the natural world, as depicted by the embraced cultural traditions. e Taboos associated with it. For religious purposes, any tree in the grove is considered sacred.

Plucking a small part of a plant specimen, as well as cleaning up dead wood and fallen leaves, is often frowned upon, and the whole field is kept under the watchful eye of the local custodian. The holy groves are impenetrable to even the tiniest human intrusion within their confines, for fear of upsetting the gods and spirits and attracting vengeance. Defense from intrusion and communal sanctity. The whole area is guarded, and the god is propitiated on a regular basis to ensure benevolence or to ward off the spiritual forces' malevolence. 

The sanctity is dependent on the endogamous group's beliefs, and ritual rituals are peculiar to the clan, often strange and odd, and often involve animal sacrifices and blood offerings. The people who perform these ceremonies and pray to the gods and spirits on behalf of the whole group are often identified. They are usually elderly priests or priestesses. Universal principles often found here are those that are not limited to a particular faith or geographical region.

Deities, angels, and other divine figures, as well as dark spirits, are not bound by any deity and are unaffected by religious duties. Both values are self-created based solely on tribal clan principles. The authoritative community is responsible for safeguarding these values and ensuring that cultural practices are carried out over centuries. The present study and observation specify a geographically complex patch of natural, primary forested enclosure of sacred trees and related life-forms as a rationalized term containing all characteristics of sacred groves based on these parameters. The endogamous clan reveres these for their mystical associations with sacred or ominous attributes. These may also be a frightening mythological anecdote, ascribed to a god, devil, or ghost with a deep connection to the woods, and passed on over the centuries to maintain these convictions.

Sacred places or sites are specific, discrete, narrowly delineated locations on Federal land that have been designated as sacred by a tribe, or an individual determined to be an appropriately authoritative representative of the religion, because of their established religious significance to, or ceremonial use by, the religion; provided, however, that the tribe or appropriately authoritative representative of the religion has informed the federal government. They are active centers of daily worship and religious rites with symbolic and physical elements that link man and divinity, as well as seeing a centripetal migration of pilgrims for worship and prayer. 

Many holy sites in India's Himalayas attract devotees who come to practice religious rites and ceremonies daily. Vaishno Devi, Amarnath, Chandika Devi, Badrinath, and Kedarnath in the Himalayas, Rameshwaram, Mahabalipuram, Bodh Gaya, and Sarnath in other parts of India, and the Buddha Lumbini in Nepal are among the most well-known sites, all of which have historical significance linked to Hindu mythology.

The revered deity of holy sites is always a god or goddess, an angel, or a prophet, whose idol, some type, or symbolic item is enshrined in the temple monument with religious sentiments. Devils, devils, and other supernatural beings are never revered in this location. It's possible that the shrine gods had nothing to do with trees and forests. Because of their position in small pockets of hilly and mountainous areas often engulfed and overshadowed by unapproachable, remote forest thickets, many sacred temple forests in India are closely maintained and contribute greatly to sustaining the landscape with natural floral and faunal abundance.

These hidden sites are often left deserted, unexplored, and overlooked in their remote areas outside of human cities, and the trees in the proximity of such holy sites are also preserved in the same way as the sacred groves. Many holy sites have primary foliage and provide a haven for endangered tree species, such as the sweet osmanthus or Osmanthus fragrans tree in Pithoragarh's Chandak temple in the Kumaon Himalayas. 

Misinterpretation of holy sites such as sacred groves is facilitated by the degree of vegetational protection and proximity to religious shrines.

To prevent problems resulting from such classifications, a thorough examination of the typological requirements, as well as a close examination of the distinguishing characteristics of sacred groves and sacred sites, is recommended as a criterion for designating such enshrined forested patches as sacred groves. 

Sacred groves and sacred sites are closely related concepts that are distinguished by subtle yet discernible characteristics. Both sites, which are thought to be inextricably connected to trees and woodland, are dedicated to divine forces.

Many of these holy or religious sites are tucked away in thick, dark woodland, where human intrusion and intervention are minimal. The nearby forests provide a haven for significant, often virgin flora, including unusual plant species that may have gone unnoticed or overlooked in these inaccessible areas. The merits of sacred sites are so closely linked to sacred groves that unless these sites are meticulously investigated and scrutinized in-depth for detailed behavioral strategies adopted by local clans and their religious tie-ups that aid in the protection of trees in and around religious sites, they risk being misinterpreted as sacred groves, opening the door to debatable notions.

As a result, it is proposed that when designating sacred groves, the typological standards must be strictly adhered to to distinguish them from sacred sites. When a sacred grove or sacred site has been identified, it must be reported and duly registered with the appropriate government department for further development and sustainable use.


An Ode to the Goddess



Have mercy, O Goddess who relieves the pain of your supplicants!

Be humble, Mother of the Universe!

O world-protecting mistress of the cosmos!

Please, have mercy!

You're the mistress of all that moves and doesn't move!

You are the world's sole pillar, residing in the shape of earth.

You nourish the world in the shape of the oceans, O you of unrivalled prowess.

You are Vishnu's strength, boundless light.

You are the universe's ultimate seed.

This planet is raptured eternally by your intelligence, 

the web of illusion you cast in your endless bliss, O resplendent Goddess!

You are the source of release on Earth while you are gracious.

All the infinite wisdom and sciences live within you, Goddess.

You are all women, and you are the entirety of the universe.

This world is populated entirely by you, O Mother.

How do we thank you because you alone are the most praiseworthy manifestation of the high and low?

Praise be to you, Narayani, whose hands and feet are everywhere, whose heads, mouths, and eyes are everywhere, who watches and listens from every part of existence!

Save us from harm, O Mistress of the Cosmos, whose essence is the earth, overflowing with all forces!

Praise be to you, goddess Durga!

Katyayani, with your friendly face, I salute you!

Protect us from our worries, three-eyed Goddess!

Bhadrakali, I salute you.

Might your terrifying trident, encrusted with flaming stakes, Destroyer of all demons, hold us safe!

May your bell, which annihilates the Daityas' glory when it fills the earth with sound, shield us, your sons, from evil!

Might your blade be auspicious, smeared with demon blood and fat, ablaze with rays!

We bow to you, Candika!

Be generous to those who prostrate themselves before you, Goddess who takes away the world's misery!

Bestow boons upon these planets, worthy of worship from all who dwell in the triple universe!

~ Kiran Atma


The Puranas call several Goddesses, each with their own unique personality. They play a variety of roles, including wife, lover, and destroyer. Brahma and Vishnu's wives tend to be nothing more than appendages to their celestial husbands, with no tales or personality of their own. Yet, like Siva himself, Siva's queen, Devi, or "the Goddess," seems to be a jumble of diverse identities, both beneficent and fierce. It's unclear if the Goddess's various names refer to deities, or if the Goddess's plethora of epithets simply reflect the various qualities of what has only been a single deity.

The origins of Goddesses in Indian culture seem to be in doubt, provided that the Vedas, the oldest literature of this tradition, makes no mention of female deities of any type. However, the issue is even more serious. While their origins can be traced back to Vedic gods, both Vishnu and Siva, for example, have complex personalities in the epics and Puranas that appear out of nowhere, with divine feats and qualities that do not present in Vedic history.

The Goddesses feel the same way. The undocumented religious traditions of the indigenous, pastoral peoples of India who populated the Indus Valley long before the proto-Sanskrit speaking nomadic Aryans invaded northwest India around 1500 B.C. may provide an explanation for this.

For over a century, the Aryans dominated the hybrid civilization that resulted. The Vedas, their oral literature, show a sacrificial cult that worshipped celestial deities like Varuna of the heavens, Indra of the thunderstorm, and Surya, the light, to the exclusion of all Goddesses and earthly divinities.

Female figurines and phallic artefacts, on the other hand, abound in the archaeological remains of Indus Valley civilization, almost definitely used in some religious ritual, and aimed at the fertility of humans, animals, and the Earth. As a result, it's possible that the Puranic Goddesses are relics of non-Aryan indigenous peoples of the Indian subcontinent's fertility worship.

In the course of time their Aryan conquerors increasingly adopted the local religious practices until, in Epic and Puranic literature, the older tales were at last retold in the official language of the Aryans themselves, Sanskrit. Via the same phase the religious traditions and values of the lower classes become part of the upper-class or ruling culture of the country. Except for the fierce and warlike Durga and Kali, nearly every Goddess in the Puranas is married to a deity. Maybe the union of Gods and Goddesses in Hindu mythology represents a convergence that happened in the early history of Indian civilization between two distinct races and cultures.

Certainly, the Goddesses as wives are fully reliant on their gods, just as the tribal people were defeated and made slaves by the invading Aryans. In either case, it appears that the tales contained in the Puranas only include snippets of the Goddesses' lives in Indian culture. Depending on her mood, the Goddess brings fertility or pestilence and death to modern-day rural India. As a mother, she is both the source of life and the terrifying force that takes it away prematurely due to starvation or disease or calamity. Female deities, on the other hand, play several roles in the Puranas.

The Goddess can be a mother, a wife, a lover, or a war-like destroyer, but she is never just a mother. The archetypal Mothers, a nebulous group stemming from and formed by Siva's Shakthi, appear briefly and attempt to devour the earth. No Deity, on the other hand, literally gives birth or manifests maternal or loving qualities. The Goddess is described as the root of the universe with the same epithets as the gods Vishnu and Siva. In this way, the holy Goddess takes life again and again to preserve life, even though she is immortal. Both in a spiritual, mythical and metaphorical context, the price of life and existence is exacted as a sacrifice at the altars of the Goddess.

She is the one who deludes the world; she is the one who gives birth to it; she is the one who grants wisdom when prayed to and wealth when pleased. This 222nd incarnate Goddess from the bosom of Brahma, the creator is Mahakali. The Goddess yet pervaded the whole Brahma Egg, the lord of men within her own cosmic womb. She assumes the form of Mahamari, the world's great destructress, during the terrible period of dissolution or rapture. She is also its unborn source; eternal, she is the lifeblood of all living things, pervading through all manifestation. This vocabulary shows a monistic interpretation of the origins of the universe, but it is not unique to the Goddess. It contains what tends to be generalized conception formulae that can be attributed to any originating god, male or female, without distinction.

The only exceptions are the epithets Ambika, "Mother," and Mahamaya, "Great Illusion," which only the Goddess carries, meaning that hers is the force that comes from casting a magic spell, the insubstantial but tangible dream that is the earth, rather than biological motherhood. Each of the three main male deities, Brahma, Vishnu, and Siva, has a faithful and dedicated partner or Shakthi to accompany and empower him. Sarasvati, Brahma's wife, is rarely mentioned, but only in passing. She doesn't get her own story as a Goddess. The Sarasvati, on the other hand, is often eulogized in glowing words as the famed holy river that rises from the Himalaya mountains and flows underground at Kurukshetra.

In the Puranas, all rivers are female, and each one is holy and pure, bestowing blessings and benefits on those who bathe in them. They are the locations of hermitages and sacred fords, where devout devotees of all gods are urged to worship. In fact, the Puranas devote a significant portion of their content to praising these hermitages and shrines, which are almost always situated on or near a riverbank. Many feminine rivers, especially the Ganges and the Yamuna, are honored in this way, as are many pilgrimage places, the most notable of which are Prayaga and Varanasi, modern Banaras. More than mere names, all of these rivers carry in essence the spiritual intelligence, vitality and mythical attributes associated with the incarnate and manifest Goddesses they represent on Earth.

The rivers, on the other hand, are scarcely granted complete identities, and Sarasvati, as Brahma's official queen, is practically characterless. The petulant Yamuna, whom Balarama drags about with his plough, causing her to swamp the Kurukshetra plain because she failed to appeal to his drunken whim and present herself by his side so he could bathe, is one lovely exception.

Lakshmi or Sri, the Goddess of Wealth, is Vishnu's devoted queen. It's been said that she who blesses people with wealth can sometimes curse them with a lack of it. Yet, for the most part, Lakshmi continues at Vishnu's side as a lordly adornment. She, too, lacks a distinct personality.

She is not involved in the tale of the Churning of the Ocean, which prominently features her birth. She jumps from the ocean's foam onto Vishnu's chest, where she belongs, and she remains there. Only Parvati, Siva's wife, has a distinct appearance, a unique family history, and a collection of fascinating stories. She is known by many names, including Uma, which means "mother," Gauri, which means "white," and Sati, which means "virtuous."

She renounces the universe to perform tapas with Siva, which is an unheard-of endeavor for a child. By this way, she can obtain control over the god, and they are properly married. When her father insults her divine husband in a former life, she is so angered that she immolates herself in flames, thereby becoming the original divine Sati, or supremely virtuous virgin.

She engages in several deceptions to seduce her unwilling, meditating husband elsewhere, desiring children; the most tragic of these attempts ends in the disembodiment of Kama, god of love or Cupid, who is burnt to ashes by Siva's wrath. Parvati is a dedicated character in both stories: she wants to be the ideal wife and have children. As Sati, she is the daughter of Daksha, the primal progenitor and one of Brahma's wise sons. She is the daughter of the Himalaya mountain, the "little mountain maiden," and is known as Parvati.

This mountain heritage is shared by both the Goddess and her husband, Siva, whose holy abode is Mt. Kailasa and who wanders the mountain fastnesses without a family or clan as an ascetic mendicant. Sarasvati, Lakshmi, and Parvati are all faithful and obedient wives, whether they are vestigial or entirely engaged.

Their task is to help their best half, just as Sita in the epic Ramayana is associated with Lakshmi as Rama is with Vishnu; in any case, the deity, their companion, comes first in importance. The object of Parvati's challenging task, even for the brave Parvati, appears to be to convince the ascetic god to end the austerities that deprive the earth of fertility and marry and have progeny himself.

The majority of Siva and Parvati's stories are amusing because they imitate everyday domestic life that most Earthly societies can readily relate to. There is, though, very little romantic imagery; they are a respectable married couple. The suggested union in Parvati's efforts to seduce her husband is made clearer elsewhere in the Puranas, where god and Goddess are regarded as lovers who place a high sacred value on either physical union, or the imagery associated with it. However, instead of becoming a wife, the Goddess more notably takes on the part of a divine lover. Siva and Shakti are consorts, but Shakti manifests herself in more ways than one, perhaps even before their sojourn in union began.

~ Kiran Atma

Shall there be Evil in the City? A Cross Cultural Examination of Evil

 


Shall there be evil in a city, and the Lord hath not done it? 

~ Amos, The Christian Bible



The word theodicy comes from the Greek theos, which means heaven, and dike, which means justice; it was popularized by Leibniz, who used it to describe God's justice in the face of evil.

A succinct summary of theodicy's implications: If God is wonderful in every way. He must desire to eradicate all evil; if He is all-powerful, He must be able to do so; but, because evil exists, then God is not perfectly good, or He is not all-powerful. C. S. Lewis stresses the lack of happiness rather than the existence of bad in a similar definition: If God were fair, He would desire to make His people absolutely happy, and if God were almighty, He would be free to do whatever He wanted. The animals, on the other hand, are not content. Therefore, God is either deficient in goodness or force, or both. It might seem that theodicy is only an issue in religions that believe in a single, all-powerful deity. If this is the case, the issue of evil may be addressed by embracing one of three alternatives to benevolent monotheism: either no soul beyond the world, a spirit oblivious to good and evil, or an evil spirit.

In polytheism, where good and evil deities have their own spheres of authority, in Zoroastrianism, where [there are two forces], one benevolent but not strong, the other powerful but not benevolent, or in the Indian philosophy of karma, which dispenses with god entirely, no basic logical contradiction need exist. A theodicy is theoretically expected in any religion in which any deity is believed to be invariably benevolent and omnipotent, though it is most generally found in monotheistic religions. The word "theodicy" refers to the existential desire to justify misery and evil, and Talcott Parsons describes how such a theodicy emerges from events like premature death: Weber sought to demonstrate that issues like these, including the misalignment of natural human interests and desires in every case and culture with what currently occurs, are implicit in the essence of human life.

They pose problems of the first order that have become known as the dilemma of bad, the sense of pain, and the like on a broad scale. The key modes of divergence between the great systems of religious thought are differences in the treatment of exactly certain problems. Not only is theodicy not exclusive to monotheism, but it is also the touchstone of all faiths, and it is an existential rather than a religious question, according to this perspective. A concept of theodicy that includes non-monotheistic religions: A theodicy occurs where a faith struggles scientifically to justify human misfortune or fortune considering its scheme of values. Theodicy is seen as a philosophical dilemma rather than a psychological one in this context; theories that struggle to justify misery or that contain logically untenable inconsistencies incite theodicy in this context.

However, as we can see, theology, logic, and psychology cannot be completely removed from the theodicy battlefield. A theodicy cannot be resolved in the strictest sense. Any effort to overcome the cognitive or philosophical impasse raised by any theodicy is referred to as resolution. Where logic and theology collapse, other forms of religious thought—notably mythology—offer nonsensical resolutions, which, if psychologically satisfying, are suitable to adherents of the religion, however insufficient they might seem to trained philosophers. Where logic and theology collapse, other forms of religious thought—notably mythology—offer nonsensical resolutions, which, if psychologically satisfying, are suitable to adherents of the religion, however insufficient they might seem to trained philosophers.

Three requirements for a satisfactory solution were developed after an exhaustive analysis of Western and Indian theodicy: common sense, accuracy, and completeness. Any approach that rejects God's beauty, omniscience, or benevolence, or the presence of evil, is a phoney one.- Hindu myths do, on occasion, refute any or more of these hypotheses, but they cannot be seen to have a rational answer. The classical solutions can be categorized into five main divisions, each with twenty-one subcategories: aesthetic or the entire is good because, or even if, the pieces are not; the principle of discipline or misery creates character; free will or bad is man's fault; delusion or evil is merely an illusion; and restriction or God's preference at the time of creation was minimal. He subsumes the arguments of contrast, recompense, and imbalance or good outweighs evil; teleology; justice and rebirth; privation or evil is merely the absence of good; and the concepts of prevention or our evils are essential to prevent greater evils, the impersonal wicked substance or evil matter, the personal wicked substance or Satan, metaphysical evil or the impeachment of God.

All of these are mentioned in Hindu mythology in some way. Every single one of them has a mistake. It's helpful to consider the numerous concerns that come from three forms of evil: superhuman, or gods, powers, and fallen angels, human, and subhuman, which includes animals and plants. The classification into another triad is more important: spiritual evil, or sin; misery, or teleological evil, which is often more divided into ordinary and exceptional suffering; and natural evil, or death, or illness. The ethical thesis or God is good, the omnipotent thesis, and the omniscient thesis are the three philosophical theories of the issue of evil; either one of these may be paired with the hypothesis of the nature of evil without contradiction, but issues emerge when this hypothesis is combined with any two or more imaginary properties of Deity. The Hindu Vedantists propose the most satisfying theodicy, which sufficiently accounts for all three kinds of evil, or superhuman, mortal, and subhuman, absolving God of all guilt by the hypothesis of lila, the playful spirit in which God becomes interested in creation: After all, who would fault a kid for behaving joyfully and exuberantly? The solution is simple: the Hindus, since the Vedantic argument did not put a stop to Indian efforts to solve the issue.

In India, there is a problem with evil. Despite the fact that all of the theses required to produce the theological issue of evil can be found in Indian metaphysical and religious literature, with many fascinating variants, and despite the fact that all three theological theses have been embraced and challenged, defended and targeted, the Indians are curiously quiet about the problem of evil, a problem that has afflicted Western culture. In all its metaphysical manifestations, classical and mediaeval Indian philosophy has shown no regard for the issue of evil. When a problem of evil arises, it manifests as a functional problem of bad, i.e. when one claims that everything is misery and that samsara [the cycle of rebirth] is evil in and of itself. When the subject of evil is brought up in older texts, it is more like an afterthought, or it appears secondarily in the sense of Who made the world? We attribute the strange silence in part to the satisfying existence of the rebirth doctrine's approach.

According to the Indian viewpoint, the issue of Job cannot emerge because hardship can often be the result of actions taken not only in this life, but in previous lives as well. However, as we can see, not all Hindus found the theory of regeneration to be fully acceptable, and many did not accept it at all. The secondary occurrences of the problem of suffering—the problem of Job—in texts about the origins of the universe form a large body of literature on which this work is based. The misconception that Indians were unaware of the issue of evil is pervasive. According to Alan Watts, there is no Problem of Evil in Hindu thought, and a Hindu scholar agrees: Hinduism is unconcerned about the Problem of Evil. Similarly, it is often asserted that India has no sense of evil. In India, not only was there no dispute between good and bad, but there was also a lot of misunderstanding. He proposed an explanation for the confusion: many demons are said to have earned their supernatural prowess by good deeds done in previous lives. To put it another way, good may be used to construct bad. Both examples are simply popularized versions of the basic Indian belief that good and bad have no sense or purpose outside of the realm of appearances.

This propensity to conflate good with bad, according to Sir Charles Eliot, is an inherent trait of pantheism, which finds it difficult to differentiate and denounce evil. Such statements are commonly founded on Vedantic Hinduism and Buddhism, which are more concerned with ignorance than with sin, valuing goodness only as an addition to wisdom, in which the philosophic saint rises above all good and evil; and many variations of Indian religion consider misery rather than sin as the world's fault.

These views, however, do not extend to most of the Puranic Hinduism. The idea that evil is unreal in Indian thinking is another basis of the assertion that Indians do not have a problem with evil. False, in India, there is no such thing as maya [illusion], asat [nonexistence], or reality. The dilemma of evil is a fictitious one, and the brahmin treats it as fictitious problems should be treated. The counterargument is that, even though many Vedantists believed evil was objectively unreal, misery was still subjectively recognized as true. Evil, pain, waste, terror, and paranoia are real enough from the other Indian point of view—the same affective strain that denies the consequences of karma.

Therefore, there is a context in which evil exists, as well as a sense in which karma and rebirth occur. The action and care of the faithful betray the dogma of unreality. Philosophers and theologians can create rational requirements but building and approving a logical response to an emotional question is challenging.

The death of a young child is the most common example of exceptional evil offered in Indian texts. When one tells this child's parents, "You aren't actual, and neither is your son; thus, you can't really be hurting," one is unlikely to have any consolation. Such statements as "God can't stop it" or "God doesn't know about it" will not make the suffering go away. Only the ethical theory is emotionally non-essential: God isn't good, or God doesn't want man to be free of bad, or two very opposite arguments. And this is the line that Hindu mythological theodicy is most vigorously developing.

Even a meaningful world order that is impersonal and supertheistic must face the problem of the earth's imperfections, according to Max Weber, who, while giving the doctrine of karma pride of place among the world's theodicies, remarked: "All Hindu religion was affected by [the problem of theodicy]; even a practical world order that is impersonal and supertheistic must face the problem of the world's imperfections." A very early example of an explicit declaration of the dilemma of God's evil-justice  can be found in a Buddhist text that mocks Hinduism's inability to grapple with the issue: Why doesn't Brahma straighten out the universe, which is so jumbled and out of whack? If he is the absolute ruler of the whole universe. Why did Brahma, Lord of the Many Born, ordain misfortune in the entire world? Why didn't he want to make everybody happy?

Why did he create the universe based on deceit [maya], lies, and excess, as well as inequality [adharma]? Unjust is the king of beings. Though there is such a thing as dharma, he wanted adharma. On a village level, the issue of evil is still an important aspect of contemporary Hinduism, where the cult assumes the presence of a dominant god or Vishnu, Siva, or Brahma, who, while not all-powerful or all-kind in the monotheistic sense, has enough strength and love to assist humanity in their search for redemption, and to grant the worldly desires of his devotees. Theodicy is present in mythology from the Buddhist text to the present day, not only indirectly in the legends, but also explicitly in the questions asked by the sages to whom the myths are told: Why is there death? How could God do anything so heinous? What is the root of evil? The fact that many myths are about minor deities of an extravagantly anthropomorphic kind, ridiculous clowns who perform numerous peccadilloes of the kind infamous in the affairs of Zeus and Loki, has led scholars to mistakenly refute the existence of theodicy in Indian religion.

This has helped to obscure the idea that there is a far more extreme mythology in which the deity commits cosmically important bad deeds. As C. G. Jung put it, "Of course, we cannot overwhelm an ancient deity with the demands of contemporary ethics." Things were very different for the inhabitants of early antiquity. There was simply everything about their gods: virtues and vices abound. As a result, they could be fined, imprisoned, duped, and pitted against one another without losing face, at least not for long. The man of that age had been so used to biblical inconsistencies that he was unconcerned as they arose. This is a fair definition of Indra in the Puranic era and of Siva in some Vaisnava myths, but it is not true when applicable to Indra in the Vedic period or Siva in Saiva myths; these gods do indeed have anything, but the worshipper is disturbed by the consequences, as the myths clearly indicate. Theodicy myths are prevalent in India; they do not seem to emerge or propagate during times of social, political, or economic upheaval. The solutions can adjust, but the dilemma remains the same.

According to the Oxford English Dictionary, bad or adj. is the opposite of GOOD. The noun now seldom used is that which is the opposite of good, either physically or morally, and the second quoted example is the strongest of all mysteries-the root of bad, or Tait & Stewart. Unlike its English counterpart, the Sanskrit word papa can be used as an adjective or a verb, and it signifies both physical and moral non-goodness. However, Christian theology has long stressed the difference between moral evil, or evil that comes from us as humans: inhuman, unfair, malicious, and sinful thoughts and acts, and inherent evil, or evil that comes from outside of us, in disease, bacilli, earthquakes, storm, droughts, tornadoes, etc..

This has resulted in an erroneous distinction being made between primitive religions, which are mainly concerned with the elimination of natural evils, and higher religions, which are concerned with sin. These two types of evil are scientifically distinct in Indian religions, but they are manifestations of a common entity for which a single interpretation must be found. People are evil-minded; adultery is evil; incest is evil. In the Rig Veda, papa, or henceforth to be translated as evil, also has a religious sense. People can do or carry out evil, which we can interpret as committing a sin. However, in Indian philosophy, sin will appear without the sinner's consent, so personal repentance is uncommon, and one can pray for deliverance from sins committed by others in the same manner as one can pray for sins committed by himself. As a result, the Rig Vedic poet prays to the gods, "O gods, deliver us today from both committed and uncommitted sin; both are sinful." Similarly, the Atharva Veda makes a distinction between natural and spiritual evil, but sees them as inextricably linked: Sleep, fatigue, and misery—these divinities are known as evils—and old age, baldness, and greyness invaded the body.

Then came fraud, evil deeds, deception, truth, sacrifice, glory, and wealth. This conflation of natural and spiritual evil is aided by the Indian propensity to treat sin as an intellectual error rather than a character defect. Since the intellectual can't make a deliberate mistake, he can just make mistakes based on incomplete knowledge or misunderstandings that aren't his responsibility. Wrongdoing is not a sin, even though it is unfortunate. If bad is not the result of man's fault, karma would not be able to fix the dilemma. Some Rig Vedic hymns to Varuna, Tamil Saivism poetry, and a Sanskrit verse still recited by many sophisticated Hindus today are striking extraordinary examples of a real sense of sin and redemption in Hinduism: Evil am I, evil are my actions... However, cases of sin due to natural causes outnumber these by a thousand fold. Evil isn't so much what we do as it is what we don't want to happen to us. The which we do is the product of illusion, moha, or deceit, or maya. These illusions and deceptions are created by God. As a result, we are once again compelled to reject the ethical hypothesis that God is not good.

In Hindu mythology, there is a fight between good and evil. There seem to be two clear explanations why a book about the issue of evil in Hindu mythology should not be written: Indologists have long claimed that there is no problem of evil in Indian thought, and philosophers believe that the issue belongs in philosophy or theology rather than mythology. However, neither Indologists nor philosophers can be taken too seriously, and I believe these two objections balance each other out: scholars have ignored the issue of evil in Indian thought because they have tried it in philosophy rather than mythology.

In contrast to the nuanced claims of Hindu theologians, the theodicy established in Hindu mythology demonstrates a more popular, general, and spontaneous attitude toward evil. Furthermore, the myths are much more provocative and original than the textual discussions: Theologians seldom create high-quality poems or artwork. Their dogmatism limits their view of life's contradictory and ambivalent aspects. They lack cynicism and the perilous purity, candid and childlike, which are fundamental criteria for someone concerned with theories, or this is a product of their preparation. They lack or, and this is their virtue, their responsibility, the touch of amorality that must be at least a part of one's intellectual and intuitive pattern if one is not to succumb to predetermined prejudice and be cut off from some critical, highly ironic, and troubling insights. Since the main body of Hindu mythology—the mediaeval Puranas—was collected by Brahmins with extensive theological expertise, some of these texts devolve into the narrow-minded diatribes envisioned.

Some writings, on the other hand, climb to the level of myth, giving a more simple and childlike approach to the issue of evil. In protection of their sacred ground, theologians have a response: Biblical myths are not generally suited to problem-solving. Their aim is to illuminate the religious meaning of any current or recalled reality or experience by unforgettable imagery. However, the experience the myth highlights and illuminates are the source of mystery in and of itself. The approach suffered from fundamental incoherence and inconsistencies as this pictorial representation of the problem was wrongly viewed as a solution to it. But, where the problem is fundamentally inconsistent, as theodicy is, this pictorial depiction of the problem is a great achievement; the theologian needs answers, but the myth is happy to wonder, like Gertrude Stein, what is the question? Furthermore, the myth's very forcefulness, or even crudeness, may be its greatest strength; William James, describing the deep melancholy and terror of the suffering sick soul, suggested that the deliverance must come in as strong a form as the complaint, if it is to take effect; and that seems to be a reason why the coarser religions, revivalist, orgiastic, with blood and miracles and supernatural occurrences, seem to be the most effective.

When faced with the orgiastic and cruel gods of primitive Tantrism, the Upanisads' intellectual pessimism and melancholy culminated in the Puranic Hinduism's integrated theodicy. Another anti-mythological claim argues that myths about gods and spirits have little influence on the study of human suffering. This is complete and utter nonsense. Myths are not written by gods and demons; they are written by man and about man. The problems of the virtuous demon and the evil god are the problems of greedy low-caste men and sinful kings; the problems of the virtuous demon and the wicked god are the problems of ambitious low-caste men and sinful kings. No nation has ever had as many human gods as India, according to Sir James George Frazer; the demons are much more human and are clearly said to reflect human desires.

Jung has made a strong case for myth's specific, truthful, and human nature: Myth is not fiction; it is made up of observations that are repeatedly replicated and can be observed. It's something that happens to humans, and guys, like Greek heroes, have mythical fates. The root theories of evil tend to be about origins, but they also contain a concern about the present situation. The pseudo-historical structure is merely a metaphor for metaphysical theories about the relationship between good and bad, gods and men, and the person and society. The myth elucidates the essence of evil with the use of a made-up origin story. Philosophical strategies are necessary but not sufficient; myths presuppose and often dismiss them.

Philosophy provides the language in which the questions can be stated; myth is founded on philosophical principles, but it is then guided by a commonsense reasoning that rejects the Vedantins' more complex answers in favor of a more straightforward response, illuminated by the coarse ceremonial imagery that philosophy scorns. Myth is a two-way mirror that allows ritual and philosophy to see each other. It's the point at which people who are usually engrossed in their daily routines are faced with questions that they had previously left to the bickering of philosophers; and it's the point at which philosophers, too, come to terms with the deeper, flesh-and-blood dimensions of their philosophical inquiries.

Methodological Notes: I explored different methods of research in a review of Saiva mythology and ended up using a slightly changed structuralist approach because it seemed relevant to the issue. The issue of evil does not readily lend itself to a structuralist solution, perhaps because too many of its jagged dimensions prove stubbornly irreducible, perhaps because it is almost always interpreted in logical rather than symbolic terms, even though symbolism is suitable to some aspects of it, or perhaps because it is almost always viewed in conceptual rather than symbolic terms, or perhaps because symbolism is appropriate to certain aspects of it.

So, like a monkey piling up complicated science gadgets into a miscellaneous heap in order to pluck the banana from the top of the cage, I've used any method that would do the job-a bit of philology, a measure of theology, lashings of comparative religion, a soupcon of anthropology, even a splash of psychoanalysis-I've used any tool that would do the job-a bit of philology, a measure of theology, I believe that, despite the fact that I might have mishandled the specialist's machinery, I have not harmed or embarrassed it. My only justification for this undisciplined trespass is that it seems to succeed, allowing me to access at least some of the answers I've been looking for. I've sometimes drawn on myths documented by anthropologists familiar with the religions of Indian tribal groups, in addition to the classical Sanskrit texts on the subject. Even though this work varies greatly from the Puranas in many ways, the two traditions can be considered adjacent, if not contiguous; certainly, there has been considerable borrowing in both directions. This continuity between his materials and those of the Sanskrit tradition has been noted by Verrier Elwin, who has published many important analyses of tribal mythology.

Since these tribal myths were all written within the last two centuries, they are likely to include signs of Christian missionary influence. However, those influences are typically evident, and the consensus between tribal and Puranic mythology is striking. I used some comparisons from Greek and Judeo-Christian myths. Theologians and comparative mythology scholars don't need me to point out the native varieties emerging in their own backyards, and for Indologists, it's probably best to simply point out that many Hindu ideas still appear outside of India, as the biblical quotations here show, rather than including a sketch of non-Indian myths out of context. It would be awkwardly pedantic to avoid referencing such concepts, such as the Fall or the Disappearance of the Golden Age, since they are so automatically evocative of their Western associations; however, these passing references are not intended to substitute for a rigorous comparative analysis. Indeed, it is my sincere hope that the current study will serve as raw material for a single aspect of such a cross-cultural examination, the Hindu facet, possibly in combination with analyses of the Western approach to the issue of evil such as those by John Bowker, John Hick, C. G. Jung, C. S Lewis, and Paul Ricoeur. I discovered that even without the comparative content, the Hindu texts alone offered an embarrassment of riches.

The final objection to the historical approach stems from the fact that Hindu mythology does not follow a straightforward progression; archaic ideas reappear in later sources, frequently in direct conflict with later concepts. This is partly due to the Indian habit of preserving the old and merely introducing new innovations, such as Victorian wings added to Georgian buildings, but it may also mean a fundamental reluctance to dismiss any potential solution to the issue of bad. Nonetheless, some general historical patterns can be discerned, and I've highlighted these where it seems most fitting. To begin, I must admit that I chose my materials in a violently Procrustean manner. If the devil can quote scripture, certainly a scholar can do the same by quoting only certain passages that grant the devil his due when portraying god in a negative way. I see myself squarely on the side of the ghosts, who have previously gone unrepresented in Indological research.

Of course, many Indian scriptures portray the gods as good and the demons as evil—a va sans dire—and a book based on these texts will be neither difficult to compose nor fascinating to read—a consideration that hasn't stopped a host of scholars from rewriting it over and over. The reader is supposed to conclude that Hindus believe their gods are good and their demons are bad; based on this chain of half-truths, I have set out to fix the imbalance by stating the less apparent corollary—that the gods are neither good nor evil in any consistent or relevant context of these crucial terms. I would also admit that this thesis has another flaw. South Indian Tamil texts are a world unto themselves, containing religious tracts and local myths that address the issue of evil in ways that are diametrically opposed to the attitudes prevalent in the Sanskrit texts on which my work is based, mostly from the North Indian tradition.

The first of these emerges as a tentative solution in many Hindu scriptures, but the theories of the Collapse eventually accuse destiny rather than man, a logically coherent theory that is ultimately rejected: it is not emotionally rewarding, and it bypasses the basic components of theodicy. Most Hindus tend to assume that God is above destiny, that he intentionally or unwillingly programmed evil into his creation. Furthermore, the collapse of Manichean dualism, as well as the assumption that certain devils were benevolent rather than bad, relegated the blame to the gods. The compassionate intentions of the deity who understood the need of evil had been replaced by the malevolent needs of demonic gods who forced their own evil over all good and evil demons and men without prejudice. However, in bhakti philosophy, though God is still responsible for evil, he is once again benevolent, and it is then up to the person man to overcome the issue of his own evil within himself. These different approaches to the issue, which in other religions may have been removed or at least changed to strike a single theological tone, are all maintained in Hinduism in a rich chord of unresolved harmony. 

 

Note: This essay is an excerpt from a work being compiled. 

 


Diana of Versailles, A Closer Look | The Mythology of Greece and Rome

Versailles and Antiquity exhibition at the Palace of Versailles

Versailles and Antiquity presents the relationship between the palace and Greek and Roman mythology and history, bringing together over 200 works of art.



Diana of Versailles, A Closer Look



H. 2 m (6 ft. 6 ½ in.)

The Diana of Versailles is a slightly over lifesize marble statue of the Greek goddess Artemis, with a deer, located in the Musée du Louvre, Paris. It is a Roman copy of a lost Greek bronze original attributed to Leochares, c. 325 BC. Wikipedia

Artist: Barthélemy Prieur
Location: The Louvre


In this statue the goddess does not appear as a huntress, but rather as the protectress of a wild animal. She is conceived as having just come to the rescue of a hunted deer, and is in the act of turning with angry mien on the pursuers. With her right hand she grasps an arrow from the quiver that hangs at her back, and in her left she holds the bow.


The great barometer of Louis XV and Louis XVI.


Sickness





This dramatic sculpture was originally placed at the top of a fountain in the gardens of the Palace. It depicts Latona with her children Diane and Apollo imploring help from their father Jupiter.


Aphrodite, the Greek goddess of love, beauty and pleasure


HER CUP IS ALWAYS FULL ;)