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Hinduism - AGAMAS

     



     

    What Are Agamas?

    Agamas refer to sacred Hindu texts recorded in various forms collectively.

    The significance of texts of all kinds—prose and poetry, written and oral, spoken and sung (whether by a single expert or by a multitude), antique and vernacular, stable and fluid—distinguishes Hinduism, if Hinduism can be characterized as a single thing at all. 

    Here we explore the significance of texts in Hinduism, defines various textual categories, and provides links to entries that cover related topics. 

    Agamas can be Stable and Flowing, Written and Spoken. 

    Any utterance, long or short, that can be repeated in essentially the same manner on several occasions is referred to in this context as a "text." 

    There is a propensity to limit the word "text" to utterances recorded in writing, whether in handwriting, printed, or electronic form. 

    This inclination is supported by the nomenclature of mobile phones and text editing software. 

    When discussing Hindu culture, however, where certain texts exist without writing and are conveyed orally from one speaker to another, this limitation is improper. 

    Writing seems to have first arisen in India, apart from the Indus Valley script, about the middle of the last millennium BCE, but was not utilized for religious writings until much later. 

    With the exception of a few later ones, several of these—the Vedic texts—were written down during a period when there is no proof that writing existed. 

    Others, passed down within small communities, are only known to those outside those communities if they are written down or electronically stored by a third party. 

    There are texts in all of the Hindu languages that are interpreted in this broad meaning (including English and other languages of countries outside South Asia). 

    Many civilizations have incredibly stable ritual texts that must always be performed in precisely the same way—the same words in the same sequence, often even with the same vocal inflections—in order to avoid becoming insulting, ineffectual, or even catastrophic. 

    Vedic writings are one example of this. 

    Other texts may be changed by various reciters, scribes, or even the same person at different times by deleting, adding, or modifying specific words. 

    The art of the reciter may include improvised variation. 

    The Mahabharata and Ramayana, which change considerably in various regions of South Asia, are excellent examples of this. 

    Whether a text is written or spoken depends on whether it is stable or flowing. 

    While the Vedic writings have not altered despite being passed down orally for millennia prior to being recorded, there are hundreds of manuscripts and four distinct printed copies of the Mahabharata. 

    The idea that a text should be retained in tact without being recorded in writing runs counter to what literary historians and anthropologists have discovered about the nature of oral literature. 

    In societies where oral texts are fluid, significant study on oral transmission of texts has been conducted (Chadwick and Chadwick 1932–1940; Lord 1960; Ong 1982). 

    A typical orally transmitted text, like a ballad or an epic, exists as a variety of performances, each of which is somewhat improvised and not an exact replication of any prior performance. 

    This explains, for instance, the Mahabharata's several recensions and myriad modifications. 

    Some theorists (mostly from outside Indian studies) have questioned whether the Veda could have been conveyed unmodified without the use of writing, despite the fact that the oral transmission of the Veda in ancient and contemporary times is thoroughly proven (Scharfe 2002: 8–37, 240–51). 

    According to one anthropologist, the Vedic texts cannot have taken on a set shape before writing was discovered since the concept of a stable text can only exist in a community that is literate (Goody 1987). 

    He claims that the educational environment decontextualizes memory in literate societies by isolating learning from action (Goody 1987: 189). 

    In contrast, this was and is accomplished in India without the use of writing by isolating the study of the Vedas from the context of the yajna, where the texts would be used. 

    The practice of self-study (svadhyaya), in which the Veda-knower recites the texts he has learned, and the learning process are rituals in and of themselves. 

    A class of people who dedicate a major portion of their life to it must be able to do the mental labor-intensive task of oral transmission of a stable text. 

    It was accomplished by brahmans, whose standing relied on their knowledge; monks, similarly, transmitted Buddhist literature (Warder 1970: 205, 294). 

    Some of Paul Ricoeur's (1981: 147; cf. Graham 1987: 15) insights must be amended in a Hindu setting due to the potential of a stable oral text. 

    He contends that the act of writing simultaneously creates the text and distinguishes it from speech, and hence from the setting in which the words were first spoken and in which they had meaning. 

    Recontextualizing the text in the interpreter's own context is the goal of hermeneutics, according to Ricoeur. 

    However, according to the Hindu perspective, the Veda and other writings are not distinguished from speech and are texts even if they are not written. 

    The Veda is speech in and of itself; it is frequently referred to as sabda-brahman, "Brahman as sound," and is a manifestation of the original speech that was spoken at the beginning of the cosmos (om). 

    Not just the Veda, but also the Epics, Puranas, Tantras, and other works that are passed down verbally yet written down in manuscripts are subject to the rule that voice takes precedence over writing (Carpenter 1992). 

    As shown by commentary (see below), recontextualization, or giving a text a new meaning in a new context, did occur in ancient India, but it had previously happened with the Brahmanas and writings like Yaska's Nirukta, completely independently of writing. 

    Until the widespread use of printing in the nineteenth century, other literature relied either on less stable techniques of oral transmission or on perishable manuscripts, or both, whereas the Vedic texts have been maintained stable by a closely regulated methodology of oral transmission. 

    While more well-known writings like the Panchatantra are available in several manuscript and printed copies in various locales, showing the unbridled inventiveness of anonymous storytellers, many ancient Sanskrit texts have been passed down in pretty dependable manuscript form. 

    Similar fluidity may be seen in the Mahabharata, Ramayana, Puranas, and other smrti works. 

    While certain vernacular collections, like the poetry of Kabir, have a very consistent history, others don't. 

    Some academics have tried to reconstruct the original shape of such a work by contrasting the readings of various manuscripts using textual criticism techniques. 

    Others argue that these approaches are unsuitable for works that have always been available in a variety of versions reflecting regional and ideological differences. 

    Others who seek the original text via the variation versions and those who believe that these versions themselves are the appropriate subject of study continue to have disagreements (Narayana Rao 2004: 110–03). 

    Printing altered the situation in the nineteenth century by giving certain copies of previously fluid writings preference and making Vedic texts, which were previously the property of twice-born men who had received upanayana, accessible to everyone. 

    Then then, recording and broadcasting in the 20th century altered everything. 

    Specialist reciters are no longer required because to sound recordings and written volumes of mantras (Buhnemann 1988: 96). 

    The Ramayana and Mahabharata on television have prioritized certain interpretations more successfully than printed copies could (Brockington 1998: 510–13). 

    The Mahabharata, Ramayana, and Puranas have certain stories that have rather solid literary forms, but popular storytelling is still a flexible art. 

    The vrat-katha is a significant kind of religious story that is told to a group of individuals engaged in a vrata

    The traditional form of a vrata includes the telling of the narrative, which explains how the vrata was established and what benefits come from following it. 

    However, a videotape might now take the role of the storyteller (Jackson and Nesbitt 1993: 65–70). 

    Hindu thinking places a high value on speech, as seen by the care with which texts are preserved and the respect accorded to individuals who recall them, both in the Vedic textual tradition and in less formal traditions (Graham 1987: 67–77). 

    However, in non-Vedic ritual writing has a place alongside speech despite the fact that speech is given priority and that the vocal aspect is dominant both in Vedic ritual and elsewhere. 

    Both inside and outside of temples, mantras are painted; home shrines often have metal sculptures of the om symbol, and some temples have neon signs. 

    On holy diagrams, this character and others that stand in for "seed mantras" are engraved (yantras). 

    Both Valmiki's Ramayana and the whole of Tulsidas' Ramcharitmanas are engraved on the walls of contemporary temples in Varanasi and Ayodhya, respectively (Brockington 1998: 506n.). 

    In many temples, a printed copy of the Rigveda Samhita is on display; however, it is not meant to be read, but rather to be revered, much as the Sikhs revere the Adi Granth


    What exactly are "holy texts"? 

    The term "holy texts" is a useful method to distinguish between writings that obviously have a religious purpose within a given tradition and those that do not. 

    The Veda, the Dharmasastra, the poems of the Alvars and Nayan-mar, the mantras spoken or chanted in worship, bhajan songs, or books of instruction like the Siks.patr of Swami Narayana are just a few examples of texts that are discussed in this entry that are used in ritual or that convey religious ideas or precepts. 

    Even though the Pancatantra and the Kamasutra are included in this encyclopedia because of their importance to Hindu culture, we are not concerned with these writings since they are obviously not holy. 

    Although many of them include mythical content or express significant principles like karma or purity, the majority of ancient poetry and contemporary books are also unimportant to us. 

    The Mahabharata and the Ramayana, on the other hand, are the subjects of our interest since they not only include tales but also serve as a repository for religious doctrine and mantras and are dramatized and repeated during certain ceremonial occasions. 

    A priceless legacy of editions, translations, and other works has been left by the study of Hindu writings written in Sanskrit and other languages throughout the nineteenth and most of the twentieth centuries. 

    The belief that every religion had its own "Bible" or "scriptures," serving a comparable purpose to the Bible in Protestantism (in theological theory if not in observable practice), was supported and, to some measure, driven by that scholarly tradition. 

    This presumption, exemplified by Muller's Sacred Books of the East series, ignores the many ways that texts may be employed in various traditions as well as the various ways that their authority or holiness may be perceived (Timm 1992: 2). 

    Like "the holy" itself, the notion of "sacred texts" or "scripture" is imposed from outside and is not always present among participants. 

    We may interpret it as texts that are "considered, in some way, as the primary center of spoken interaction with ultimate reality" (Graham 1987: 68). 

    They can be interpreted as such because they were said by a particularly wise person, like Valmiki, or by a great number of wise people, like the Vedic rishis or a group of bhakti poets, or by a deity, like Siva; or they can be interpreted as wise because they were eternal and independent of any author, which in the Purva Mmamsa view is the assurance of the Veda's authority. 

    Some works (e.g., Bhagavadgta 18, 67-78; S vetas.vatara Upanisad 6. 22f.) make a claim to being holy by offering incentives for hearing or reciting them or banning teaching them to unauthorized individuals. 

    However, the way a text is used, not its contents, can indicate whether it is considered sacred. 

    This includes whether or not it is recited in ritual settings, whether it is treated as a source of truths or moral imperatives, and whether written or oral versions of the text are revered or protected from tampering. 

    Speaking of sacred texts implies that there is a community who holds those texts in high regard (W.C. Smith 1993: 17f.). 

    For various Hindu groups, various texts are sacred in various ways. 

    Adherence to a text may define what is, for convenience's sake, a "sect" in Hinduism (Renou 1953: 91–99). 

    The word "sect" essentially translates to "tradition" in Sanskrit; unlike in European contexts where it may denote anything that differs from a church or societal standards. 

    Even when a sampradaya's founder left no written works behind, later generations continued to produce literary works in both the vernacular and Sanskrit. 

    This was the situation with the Chaitanya-founded Vaisnava tradition, where the six Gosvamins of Vrindavana composed Bengali and Sanskrit texts that were considered canonical for the Sampradaya. 

    Even the non-hierarchical Bauls, who have no known founder, have their own fluid corpus of songs. 


    What Are Smritis And Srutis?

    Smrti and Sruti Although the term "holy texts" or "scripture" is not an indigenous one, Hindus themselves have categorized such books in a number of significant ways. 

    We may start by dividing knowledge into sruti, which means "hearing, revelation," and smrti, which means "memory, tradition." Sruti is the Veda; it is timeless and was comprehended by the ancient r.s.is via extrasensory perception. 

    Even if the writers of Smrti writings were much smarter than modern humans are capable of becoming, they were still humans. 

    The word "sruti" does not relate to a fixed canon of writings since the bounds of the Veda are fluid. 

    Indeed, the phrase was not always limited to the Veda; in Manusmrti (12.95), books that are most likely Buddhist and Jain are condemned as "srutis that are outside the Veda" (Olivelle 2005: 234, 349). 

    Smrti is still not as exact. It contains the Kalpasutras, yet as they are a component of the Vedic ceremonial system, they are not typical of smrti writings. 

    The Mahabharata, the Ramayana, the Dharmasastras, the Puranas, the Agamas, and the Tantras are what are often meant by the word. 

    There may be disagreements on whether a text is authentic since none of these criteria are clearly established. 

    These works are often structured by a dialogue in which a mythological person learns something from a different figure, with the prestige of these individuals lending legitimacy to the lessons. 

    Conversations are often placed inside dialogues to provide a series of teachers and listeners, most notably in the Mahabharata. 

    As a result, their literary form places them in a setting of verbal instruction from an authoritative speaker to an attentive listener, a scenario that is repeated by a line of speakers and listeners down to the current reciter and his audience. 

    Smrti renders its listeners indirect receivers of linguistic communication from the divine, but Sruti makes audible the everlasting speech at the beginning of the cosmos. 

    The Smrti texts are publicly recited, with the reciter frequently interspersing a vernacular translation, in contrast to the Vedas, which must be protected from being heard by unauthorized people (such as non-twice-born men or women) and recited in a set ritual manner in the exact form in which they have been learned. 

    Despite the fact that printing and manuscripts have made such recitation easier, the majority of people encounter texts via voice. 

    The performance of reciting the Puranas is mostly oral, however it is carried out by a highly educated professional known as the pauranika, who not only reads the book aloud but also comments on it while referencing other works. 

    A similar performance erases the line between oral and written culture (Singer 1972: 150–55; see also Narayana Rao 2004: 103–14). 

    Since the proponents of smrti possessed in-depth knowledge of the Veda, historically, the authority of smrti is drawn from that of sruti. 

    Manu claims that the tradition (smrti) and behavior of people who know it are the second source of dharma after the Veda itself (Manusmrti 2, 6). 

    The Vedic redactor Vyasa is credited with writing the Mahabharata after compiling the Vedas (Mahabharata 1.1.52). 

    According to Mahabharata 1.1.204, "The epics (itihasa) and Puranas should be employed to reinforce the Veda, because the Veda dread an uneducated man lest he may ruin it." 

    The narrative is repeated in the Bhagavata Purana: Vyasa wrote the Mahabharata because women, sudras, and nominal brahman (those who do not fulfill the actual character of brahman by learning the Veda) could not access the Vedas (Bhagavata Purana, 1.5.25). 

    But it also adds a conclusion: Vyasa eventually wrote the Bhagavata Purana to instruct in Krishna worship because he was still unsatisfied (Bhagavata Purana 1.4. 26–31; 1.7.6–8). 

    The historical link between smrti and sruti weakens as we go from the Kalpasutras through the Dharmasastras and epics to the Puranas, Agamas, and Tantras

    The four yugas, the framework on which historical time is traditionally constructed, are used to acknowledge this historical variation in the tradition. 

    Only during the Kreta era could the Vedas be properly followed; during the Dvapara era, they were in danger of being lost, which is why Vyasa set them up. 

    The Vedas are poorly known and understood in the current Kali era, when the brahmans who should preserve them are degenerate and the status of the kshatriyas who once supported the yajna has been usurped by rebels; instead, the smrti texts, which contain the meaning of the Vedas, have taken their place. 

    The Kali era is claimed to outlaw several behaviors that are prescribed in the Vedic writings namely Kali Varjya(or kali-varjita). 

    These practices include animal sacrifice and niyoga, also known as levirate, in which a man's wife engages in sexual relations with his brother in order to produce a son for her dead husband. 

    The belief that the Bhagavata Purana, or any other specific smrti work, conveys the content of the Veda does not imply that specific sentences in one text may be connected to phrases in another. 

    Instead, it conveys the feeling that both have the absolute truth. 

    The Bhagavad Gita, which has been the subject of countless translations and commentaries since the late nineteenth century, is the smrti text that is currently printed the most widely. 

    Long before that, it served as the inspiration for numerous imitations, some of which are included in Puranas like the Ganesagta or the Devgta while the Anugta is contained within the Mahabharata itself (Gonda 1977: 271–76). 

    Although some people object to this, the Bhagavadgta is often utilized in funeral ceremonies and as a book for religious schools (Firth 1997: 84, 87). 

    Numerous smrti writings, whether they promote the worship of Siva, Visnu, or Sakti or another god, are well-known and acknowledged by devotees of other deities. 

    Many of the Puranas support this. 

    On the other hand, there are literature known as Agamas, Tantras, and Sam hitas that are particular to one or both of these deities. 

    The word "agama," which means "tradition," may be used to refer to works that provide guidance on ritual behavior and the pursuit of salvation generally, but it is particularly used to describe books that identify Siva as the ultimate god. 

    Tantra may also be used more broadly, however it is particularly employed in books on Sakti worship. 

    The Vedic Samhitas and the group of works dedicated to Visnu known as the Pancaratra Samhitas are the two principal usage of the term samhita. 

    Even while the phrases A gama, Tantra, and Samhita are often used to refer to Saivism, Saktism, and Vaisnavism, respectively, none of them are exclusive to any of these three. 

    However, the specific books they refer to are often just Saivism, Saktism, or Vaisnavism (Gonda 1977). 


    What Are Mantras, Vidhis, And Arthavada?

    The Veda is divided into mantra, vidhi, and arthavada categories according to a different categorization created in Purva Mimamsa. 


    1. A mantra is a passage of text chanted or spoken aloud during a rite. 
    2. A vidhi is a paragraph that instructs ritual practitioners on what to do and how to execute it. It is often translated as a "injunction." 
    3. Arthavada, which translates to "statement of purpose," explains why a ritual should be performed in a certain manner. 


    In practice, it refers to all Vedic texts that are neither mantras nor vidhis. 

    The Samhitas have mantras, but the Brahmanas and Aranyakas also commonly mention them. 

    The Brahmanas, Aranyakas, and Upanishads also contain vidhi and arthavada

    Although the word "mantra" is often used outside of the Vedic setting, this categorization specifically pertains to Vedic writings. 

    Non-Vedic literature may also be categorized into sections that are employed in ritual, sections that prescribe, and sections that offer motivation for ritual action. 

    The phrases vidhi and arthavada are less common writings in both Sanskrit and the local language. 

    The sruti and smrti writings mentioned above are all in Sanskrit, and many Hindus who do not speak the language are acquainted with the sound of Sanskrit due to its usage in ritual. 


    There are holy scriptures in all Indian languages. 

    Bhakti, with its focus on the relationship between the devotee and the divine, which eliminates the necessity for the brahman and his ceremonial writings in Sanskrit, encouraged the use of literature in vernacular languages. 

    However, we need not assume that the earliest vernacular texts, starting with the Tamil poems of the sixth century, were also the first bhakti texts to be made available. 

    The use of vernacular languages from the beginning in Buddhist and Jain texts suggests that Sanskrit's dominance in the religious sphere had long been contested. 

    Along with the bhakti poetry, there are many vernacular Puranas, some of which are completely independent of Sanskrit and others that have been translated or altered from it (Rocher 1986: 72–77). 

    Many regional and educational themes are addressed in vernacular versions of the Ramayana, such as Kampan's Tamil translation Iramavataram and Tulsdas's Hindi Ramcaritmanas. 

    In the Ramlla dramas, especially at Dasahra, these, especially the latter, are not only recited but also performed (Brockington 1998: 505-07; Lutgendorf 1991). 

    It is less common to dramatize the Mahabharata, but South India and Sri Lanka both stage plays centered on Draupad (Brockington 1998: 507; Hiltebeitel 1988-91; Tanaka 1991). 

    Sanskrit writings are explicitly rejected in certain bhakti traditions, as in the tale of the Marathi poet Namdev who had a cow recite the Veda (Ranade 1961: 71). 

    The concept of the fifth Veda and the notion that vernacular texts with concepts such as the Tamil Veda, as well as smrti texts with concepts like the Bhagavata Purana (see above), contain the meaning of the Veda, were both expanded. 

    On the other hand, in many lineages, the creation of vernacular literature has been followed by the development of texts in Sanskrit. 

    For instance, the Sanskrit works of Yamunacarya, Ramanuja, and others came after the Tamil songs of the Alvars. 

    The Alvars were also followed by the Bhagavata Purana, which, because it was written in Sanskrit, made emotional bhakti accessible outside of the Tamil-speaking region. 

    However, the change from the vernacular to Sanskrit was accompanied by a change from an emotional to an intellectual form of bhakti (Hardy 1983: 36–43). 

    Vernacular works must obviously be regional, although this does not preclude their translation into or imitation in neighboring languages; for example, poetry credited to Kabr are also available in Bengali, Panjabi, and Hindi. 

    Tyagaraja's (1767–1847) Telegu songs are popular in areas of South India and the diaspora but are seldom recognized outside of that region (Jackson 1991). 

    Up until the nineteenth century, when English usage started to rise steadily throughout the Hindu world, Sanskrit was the only language in which texts could be made available. 

    The English writings of non-regional, non-sectarian Hinduism pioneers like Gandhi, Radhakrishnan, and Vivekananda—a Bengali, Gujarati, and Tamil—show the significance of English in this process. 

    In the last fifty years, Hindi has surpassed English as the language spoken across all of India. 

    Some Sanskrit writings are regional or even local, while vernacular texts are by their very nature local. 


    What Are Mahatmyas And Sthala-Puranas?

    In addition to texts from locally based sampradayas, there are texts from pilgrimage sites or temples. 

    These texts include Mahatmyas ('glorifications'), which extol the local deity and the advantages of visiting it, and Sthala-Puranas ('puranas of the place, local puranas'), which tell the history of the site's sanctity and the rules for visiting it. 

    Examples of these two types that overlap may be found in vernacular and Sanskrit languages (Rocher 1986: 71f. ; Gonda 1977: 276-81). 

    The readers or listeners of vernacular texts are not always able to understand them; Sanskrit is not the only language that is used in ritual without being fully understood. 

    The language of the Tamil bhakti poetry is not current spoken Tamil, although they are nevertheless widely performed in temples. 

    Tulsıdas’ Ramcaritmanas may have owed its popularity originally to its being in language familiar to its hearers, but it continues to be repeated in its original, now archaic form, its worth consisting in its holiness rather than its accessibility. 


    Sacred Poetry And Prose. 

    Most of the works we are interested in are in verse, however numerous mantras from the Yajur veda, all of the Brahmanas, the Aranyakas, certain Upanisads, and the Kalpasutras are in prose (interesting as the earliest instances of prose in any Indian language). 

    Also written in prose are the non-Vedic sutras. 

    There are a few portions in the Mahabharata and Puranas that are written in prose. 

    Sanskrit literature, especially technical works like the Sam. 

    hyakarikas, the founding book of the Sam. 

    khya philosophy, was and remains heavily verse-based. 

    The sloka, a stanza of thirty-two syllables split into four halves, is by far the most popular poetry form. 

    Unlike the other meters employed in the complex literature known as kavya, it is adaptable and simple to utilize (see below). 

    Slokas have been written by countless anonymous authors of the Puranas and other texts, in addition to well-known poets, and are used even for quite unpoetic subjects were cited in prose works of religion that inspired debate, such as:

    1. Swami Narayan's Vacanamrta ('Immortality in words') in Gujarati, 
    2. Dayananda Saraswati's Satyartha Prakasa ('Light of truth') in Hindi, 
    3. or Vivekananda's writings in English. 


    What is Kavya?

    Even though kavya can be in prose, the term is occasionally translated as "poetry." It takes a significant amount of literary training to compose and appreciate this particular genre of Sanskrit literature. 

    It contains a variety of literary genres, such as verse epics, dramas, and one-verse epigrams. 

    Even today, despite the fact that few people are sufficiently educated to appreciate it, it is still being developed under the patronage of kings. 

    The Buddha-charita (also known as the "Life of the Buddha"), written by Asvaghosa in the first or second century CE, and inscriptions from the second century CE forward are the earliest instances that have survived. 

    Although textual scholars consider the Ramayana's only passages in which it claims to be the original kavya to be late and that it lacks the stylistic elaboration typical of kavya, it is still hailed as the genre's founding work (Brockington 1998: 23, 361). 

    Kavya, in contrast to smrti and other works, rigorously adheres to the grammatical rules established by Panini and other grammarians and makes use of sophisticated meters and aesthetic embellishments that are outlined in literary guides. 

    A thorough understanding of mythology as well as other disciplines is required to fully comprehend kavya, even though it generally does not come within the category of holy literature. 

    Kavya works frequently start with a prayer or deity's invocation. 

    Some, like Kalidasa's Kumarasam Bhava on the birth of Skanda, are based on mythological stories, while others, like his play Sakuntala, use epic tales. 

    The Gtagovinda and the Karnandana ('Delight of the ears'), poems from the Radhavallabh Sampradaya, which was formed by the poet's father, Hita Harivamsa, and focused on Krishna's beloved, Radha, are two instances of kavya compositions that are devotional throughout (Gonda 1977: 25–29; Entwistle 1987: 168). 

    The Kuncitan ghri-stava, written by Umapati Sivacarya in the year 1300 CE and translated as "Hymn of praise to [Nataraja's] curved foot," is one particularly intriguing example. 

    Each of its 313 verses concludes with a refrain that alludes to Siva's foot being raised in the dance and does so by way of a clever and moving fusing of mythological, theological, and philosophical ideas (D. Smith 1996). 


    What Is a Stotra?

    The stotra, a hymn of adoration to a deity, is a common type of religious text that is written in both Sanskrit and vernacular (Gonda 1977: 232–70). 

    In contrast to sloka or the meters used in kavya, many stotras use rhyme and a metre with a strong recurrent beat, and they frequently contain a refrain. 

    Many stotras are credited to Sankara (Mahadevan 1980; Hirst 2005: 24f.). 

    The Gtagovinda contains stotras, which are songs. 

    Another example is the poem Bande Mataram by Bankim Chandra Chatterjee, which was originally written to honor Bengal as a mother goddess but was later changed to refer to India. 

    Its grammar is so straightforward that anyone who knows Bengali or Hindi can understand most of the poem (Lipner 2005). 

    The nama-stotra is one kind of stotra, and it consists mostly of a list of names, epithets, and descriptions of a specific god (Gonda 1977: 268–70; Gonda 1970: 67–76). 

    An early example is the Sata-rudrya ('[hymn] of a thousand Rudras'), which is still chanted in Siva temples and is part of the Black Yajur veda (Vajasaney Samhita 4, 5). 

    The prayers are interspersed with numerous names and epithets that invoke Rudra (Gonda 1970: 70f.; Gonda 1977: 241; translated Keith 1914: 353-62). 

    Other Sanskrit prose was utilized in theological works such as Ramanuja’s Vedartha-samgraha (‘Compendium of the meaning of the Veda’), and for the huge library of comments detailed below. 

    It was used for literary works such as the Pancatantra, theater, and other literary works that did not fall under the rubric of holy writings. 

    Except for letters and other related documents, little little prose was produced in the common languages until the nineteenth century. 

    The bhakti poems are in verse, though some, like the Marathi abhangs and the Kannad vacans, have a more flexible verse structure. 

    Since 1816, Rammohan Roy and his Hindu and Christian adversaries have contributed prose works in Bengali and English to religious debates that had hitherto only been held in Sanskrit. 

    In his earliest work, Roy noted that many people had trouble reading Bengali prose and offered some brief tips on how to do so (Killingley 1982: 12; Das 1966: 131f.). 

    Newspapers, books, and other advances encouraged the use of prose in the vernacular languages during the nineteenth century. 

    These well-known instances are the Lalita-sahasra-nama ('Thousand names of the luscious [Goddess]') in the Brahmanada Purana and the Visnu-sahasra-nama ('Thousand names of Visnu'; Raghavan 1958: 421-36). 


    What Is The Purpose And Place Of Commentary In Sacred Texts?

    Hindu writings are meant to be analyzed and discussed. 

    Some comments, sometimes referred to as t.ka, just clarify challenging terms; the term for a more thorough commentary is bhasya. 

    Some comments, such as Saya's on Vedic literature, Sankara's on the Upanisads, or the countless commentators on the Manusmrti or Manavadharmasastra, explain every word in the original text on the grounds that nothing is without intent. 

    Some texts, like the Brahmasutras and the Bhagavadgta, have been discussed numerous times from various and frequently conflicting perspectives; one of the commentator's tasks is to disprove competing interpretations. 

    A commentary, particularly one on a sutra, may be a text of original authorship in and of itself, with subsequent commentary by members of the same school of thought elaborating on the first commentary's meaning in light of newer developments within the school. 

    Although it has been argued that the presence of substantial commentaries indicates a text's theological significance, a text that is religiously inspiring but not theologically significant may draw little to no attention (Clooney 2003: 461). 

    In addition to Sanskrit commentaries, vernacular commentaries exist. 

    Tamil commentaries on Tamil texts are one such example (Hardy 1983: 244f.). 

    Oral commentaries on the Puranas have also been mentioned.


    ~Kiran Atma


    You may also want to read more about Hinduism here.

    Be sure to check out my writings on religion here.


    References And Further reading: 


    • J. A. B. van Buitenen, trans., Yamana’s Agamapramanyam or Treatise on the Validity of Pancaratra (Madras: Ramanuja Research Society, 1971).
    • Bruno Dagens, Architecture in the Ajitagama and the Rauravagama: A Study of Two South Indian Texts (New Delhi: Sitaram Institute of Scientific Research, 1984).
    • Mark Dyczkowski, The Canon of the Saivagama and the Kubjika Tantras of the Western Kaula Tradition (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1988).
    • Kamalakar Mishra, Kashmir Saivism: The Central Philosophy of Tantrism (Portland, Ore.: Rudra Press, 1993).
    • S. K. Ramachandra Rao, Agama-Kosa: Agama Encyclopedia (Bangalore: Kapatharu Research Academy, 1994).




    TOP 26 MINOR YOGA SIDDHIS TO ACHIEVE



    Minor Siddhis are also acquired by the Yogi:


    1. Hunger and thirst are no longer a problem.

    2. The ability to be free of the symptoms of heat and cold.

    3. Raga-Dvesha is no longer an issue. 

    • Raga is the desire for things that provide personal fulfillment. 
    • Our drive for joyful experiences leads to irrational behavior and blind eyesight.

    4. Doora Darshan, also known as Dooradrishti or clairvoyance.

    • Doora Sravan, clairaudience
    • Doora Sruti, and 
    • Doora Pravachana are all examples of Doora Sravan.

    6. Mano-Jaya, or mind control.

    7. Kama Rupa: The Yogi has the ability to take whatever form he desires.

    8. Parakaya Pravesha: He has the ability to reach another entity, animate a dead body, and move his consciousness into it.

    9. Iccha-Mrityu: Death comes to him at his leisure.

    10. Devanam Saha Kreeda and Darshana: After seeing the gods, playing with them.

    11. Yatha Sankalpa: He is free to do whatever he pleases.

    12. Trikala-Jnana: History, current, and future knowledge.

    13. Advandva: Above the opposing sets.

    14. Vak-Siddhi: By practicing Satya, Prophecy, the Yogi will foresee what will happen in the future.

    15. Alchemy: The Yogi has the ability to transform base metal into gold.

    16. Kaya-Vyuha: The Yogi will take as many bodies as he wants to exhaust all of his Karmas in one life.

    17. Darduri-Siddhi: A frog's leaping ability.

    18. Patala-Siddhi: Yogi transforms into Lord of Desire and vanquishes sorrows and illnesses.

    19. Past life regression: He gradually learns and recalls more of his former life.

    20. He learns about the cluster of stars and planets and forms a more intimate understanding of other worlds and the wider cosmos.

    21. He gains the ability to perceive the Siddhas.

    22. He attains elemental mastery (Bhuta Jaya), as well as Prana mastery (Prana Jaya).

    23. Kamachari: He has the freedom to go whenever he wants.

    24. He gains omnipotence and omniscience

    25. Vayu-Siddhi: The Yogi ascends into the clouds and ascends from the earth.

    26. Dowsing: He has the ability to find out the location of a hidden treasure.


    ~Kiran Atma



    Related Articles:




    You may also want to read more about Yoga here.

    You may also want to read more about Yoga Asanas and Exercises here.

    You may also want to read more articles on Yoga and Holistic Healing Here.




    Hinduism On Service, Stewardship, And Healing

       







      Modern Hinduism's Care, Healing, And Well-being.


      Due to socio-political and other religious influences, Hinduism and Hindu societies have seen different changes and advancements. 

      Not only have believers followed the goals of Hindu samskaras, purushartha, and panchamahayajnas throughout history, but many of the teachings and religious rituals have been reinterpreted and altered to meet the needs of changing times. 

      In 'renascent Hinduism,' there is a renewal of caring, healing, and well-being. 

      Despite all of the ideas of care and well-being, a significant portion of India's population lives in horrible circumstances. 

      The caste system establishes a hierarchical society that retains benefits for the higher varna castes while denying the rights of India's poor Dalits, indigenous peoples, and Adivasis


      Hinduism has been reduced to a ceremonial and otherworldly spiritual entity throughout its history, according to the Brahminic system. 


      The vitality of Hinduism was renewed, leading to the formation of a renascent Hinduism, thanks to the effect of English education, the advent of modern science, orientalist intellectuals, and Christian missionary operations (Sarma 2000: 60-63). 



      Hindu believers were encouraged to transfer their attention from the otherworldly to life on Earth as a result of these nineteenth- and twentieth-century events. 


      For example, for millennia, the dominant traditional Vedanta philosophy concentrated primarily on an individual's connection with God/Ultimate Reality, with a misplaced emphasis on devotion to God alone. 

      However, the Renaissance ushered in flourishing Neo-Vedanta and Guru movements that aid mankind in realizing the inherent divinity in each individual, emphasizing the concept of 'service to humanity as service to god.' 

      Renascent Hinduism (Sarma 1966) set the ground for a slew of neo-Hindu groups and Guru movements to spring up over the globe. 


      Traditional, ethnic Hinduism from the subcontinent gradually become a worldwide religion, attracting followers from all over the globe. 

      They participate in charitable activities to provide care, healing, and well-being to people, particularly the most vulnerable members of Indian society. 


      • The Sri Ramakrishna Mission, established by Swami Vivekananda, is one of these neo-Hindu groups (Sarma 2000: 143-145 ; 155-156). 

      Sri Sathya Sai Baba formed the Sri Sathya Sai International Organization (Sri Sa thy a 2021 ). 

      Brahma Kumaris, a spiritual group formed by Prajapita Brahma Baba and headed by women. 

      Mata Amritanandamayi's other educational and humanitarian institutes 


      These are only a few of the numerous neo-Hindu groups that are now serving mankind and cutting across all gender, racial, and national lines. 

      These renascent Hindu organizations' educational institutions, well-equipped hospitals, relief works during natural catastrophes, scholarship and feeding programs, and several other charitable activities are witnesses to the promotion and humanization of caring, healing, and well-being. 




      Gods and goddesses as healers and well-being sources. 



      Hinduism is recognized for its many gods and goddesses who accompany humans. 


      Classical Hinduism recognizes Brahman as the 'Supreme Reality,' as well as Trimurthi (the 'Hindu Triad' of Brahma, the creator, Vishnu, the sustainer, and Maheshvara or Siva, the destroyer), and many sectarian deities Vishnu, Siva, and Sakti. 

      When individuals in popular Hinduism are in need, they appeal to their 'favorite deities' (ishta Devata), also known as the 'family god' (Kula Devata). 

      Mahalakshmi, also known as Lakshmi, is the goddess of riches and prosperity, Saraswati, the goddess of wisdom, and Ganesh, the deity of fresh beginnings and the ability to remove barriers. 

      Despite contemporary education and well-established medical facilities throughout this age of societal development, the Hindu mentality is still inclined to seeking heavenly favors during sickness and other afflictions. 



      Lord Siva is known in Hinduism as Vaidyanath (all-healer) and Mrutyunjaya, among all Vedic and non-Vedic deities (conqueror of death). 


      In popular Hinduism, one of the mother goddesses, Mariamman, is worshipped by South Indians for general healing. 

      Shitalamata (literally,'mother who cools') is revered in northern India as a goddess with curative powers, particularly in the cases of fever, chickenpox, smallpox, measles, ulcers, and cholera. 

      She is said to be carrying a pitcher filled with medical water to treat illnesses. 

      Many such deities who heal ailments are commonly sought by peasants in various regions of India in case of any affliction, even before seeking medical care. 

      Because many Hindus still believe in magic, the idea of an evil eye, curses, or even destiny (karma), this is a widely accepted practice. 

      As a result, rather of seeking therapeutic care, they turn to pujas, mantras, and other forms of divine intervention (Sharma 2002: 3). 


       



      Ayurveda (science of life) is a Hindu discipline of medicine that promotes a holistic approach to healing and human well-being. 

       

      "Let me witness a hundred autumns; let me live a hundred autumns," says the Atharva Veda's aphorism on life and health (Griffith ed. 1899: 292). 


      The Indian healing tradition dates back to the Atharva Veda and flourished throughout the Buddhist period. 

      It reached its pinnacle during the Caraka era, with a focus on Ayurveda



      In Hinduism, there are five components to the healing tradition: the patient, the physician, holy chant, ritual or process, and medication therapy. 


      During the Buddhist period, however, holy chant's importance waned and eventually faded away over decades of medical treatment (Valiathan 2015: 109). 

      Atharvaveda is primarily concerned with healing substances and spells, as well as enhancing one's own well-being while inflicting bad on one's adversaries (Dasgupta 1975: 280-281 ). 

      Atharvaveda gave rise to Ayurveda, which means "knowledge of life" in Sanskrit. 

      The connection between Atharvaveda and Ayurveda is primarily due to the fact that they both deal with illness healing. 

      With its religious importance, Atharvaveda is renowned for healing ailments caused by sins and trespasses by penance (prayaschitta), while Ayurveda treats diseases caused by the eating of unwholesome food via medication. 


      Medicine (bhesaja) is considered penance by charaka1 (which utilizes the term Ayurveda in the context of 'science of life') (Dasgupta 1975: 273-277). 



      In today's culture, however, Ayurveda is acknowledged as a distinct area of life science that deals with the body, mind, and overall well-being. 

      Ayurveda is formed from two Sanskrit words: ayus (meaning life) and veda (meaning knowledge) (meaning knowledge or science). 

      Ayus, which refers to the whole of existence in all of its forms, is made up of happiness (sukha), sorrow (duhkha), good (hita), and evil (hita) (ahita). 


      A life of happiness (Sukhmayuh) is defined as being devoid of bodily and mental ailments and endowed with vigor, power, energy, and vitality, as well as pleasure and success (Roy 1986: 152-153). 


      Ayurveda recommends daily and seasonal routines (dinacharya and ritucharya), a nutritious diet, exercise, and excellent behavior to sustain well-being and health (Tiwari and Pandey 2013: 288-292). 




      It focuses on efforts to reestablish the body's connection to the rest of the universe. 

      It accounts for discord in the balance of the body's essential humors, such as air or wind (vata), bile (pitta), and phlegm (kapha). 

      Discord may cause sickness, while restoring it can lead to better health and physical well-being. 

      Ayurveda includes therapeutic procedures such as surgery, the use of medicinal herbs, and meditation (Ketchell et al. 2013 ). 

      "The elimination of the cause of death, bestowing of long life, purifying thoughts and acts, removal of the cause of illnesses, and insuring the well-being of body and spirit" is considered to be the goal of giving medicine (Gautamananda 2019: 2). 







      Yoga is the path to mental health. 



      Yoga simply means 'yoking' or 'joining' in Sanskrit. 


      It refers to the methods or strategies used to change one's awareness and achieve moksha (freedom) from samsara (rebirth). 

      Although the mind is said to be constantly shifting, yoga may help you concentrate and experience a higher level of awareness (Bowker ed. 1997: 1058). 



      Self-control (yama), observance (niyama), posture (asana), regulation of breath (pranayama), restraint (pratyahara), steadying of mind (dharana), meditation (dhyana), and profound meditation (dhyana) are the eight phases of yoga (ashtangayoga) suggested by Patanjali's Yoga Sutra (Samadhi). 


      All of these phases are linked to physical or mental health, either directly or indirectly. 

      Yoga is often understood to signify 'discipline.' The word yoga refers to two things: a school of philosophy that originated in ancient India and a mental and physical exercise method created by this school. 

      Many individuals use yoga as a type of exercise to enhance their health and find inner peace (World Book Encyclopedia 1981: 470-471). 



      Yoga is, after all, a spiritual, mental, and physical practice. 


      Yogas of many varieties are also done in order to live a harmonious existence and gain mental and spiritual bliss (Ketch ell et al. 2013). 

      Yoga is an important aspect of healing, spirituality, and meditation, therefore it is seen as a component of human well-being. 


      Yoga may help you discipline and manage your thoughts, which is a crucial source of focus. 


      Yoga is said to heal the mind, even if it does not cure the physical condition. 

      Hatha yoga, which focuses on breathing and meditation to alleviate stress; raja yoga, which focuses on meditation and self-realization to lead to the growth of consciousness; and tantra yoga, which liberates awareness from all restrictions. 

      All of these types of yoga are connected to mental healing and human well-being in general. 



       

      Geriatric care: Hindu family care and a gero-transcendent outlook on life 


      In general, Hindu family members care for the elderly and dependents at home. 


      Within a family, caregiving for the elderly is traditionally passed down. 

      Nonetheless, owing to fast demographic and epidemiologic transformations in modern India, some people feel obligated and burdened to provide care for the elderly (Capistrant et al. 2015). 

      A gerontological study on Pitamaha Sadans of Chimmaya Mission indicates to "religiosity and spirituality as protective and health boosting factors for older individuals," in addition to family care (Pandya 2016: 15). 



      In this light, Asramadharma might be considered one of the most important aspects of elderly care. 


      Individuals from the higher caste pass through four phases of life, according to the ashrama scheme: student stage of training (Brahmacharya), householder stage (Gruhastha), hermit or forest dweller stage of retreat (Vanaprastha), and ascetic stage of renunciation (Sannyasa). 



      These four phases of life are all geared toward achieving one's ultimate objective, which is moksha or emancipation. 


      "The Ashram system is intended as an instrument of life, as the best means towards the fulfillment of what was believed to be the fullest and most effective administration of individual, social, and economic orders as a whole," write S.C. Tiwari and Nisha M. Pandey (2013). 

      Vanaprastha and sannyasa are intimately tied to the old age period in this ashrama plan. 

      Both are phases of renunciation with a non-attachment mindset. 



      Vanaprasthasrama is said to have originated in opposition to Buddha and Mahavira's teachings, which advocated full renunciation and celibacy


      This extreme kind of non-attachment jeopardized the foundations of family life. 

      As a result, the as ram a scheme was created to help stabilize the family's very existence, which had been jeopardized by the influence of Buddhism and Jainism, which placed a strong emphasis on 'freedom in the forest' (Premsagar 1994: 16). 

      It is important to note that the institution of sannyasa is thought to go against the core ideals of the Hindu way of life. 


      Sannyasa was never authorized by early Hindu sages, and they preferred only the first two ashrama schemes. 

      However, subsequent Hindu sages embraced the posture of "homelessness" or "ascetic detachment" as the last stage of existence due to the influence of Jainism and Buddhism (Datta 2001 : 5 83). 




      The Ashrama Scheme is a gero-transcendence perspective on life. 


      The core of gem-transcendence is said to be implied in the vanaprastha sannyasa ashrama system (Krishnan 2020b). 


      "Lars Tomstam's idea of gero-transcendence combines basic components with the final two stages of the Hindu model of the life duration," writes Samta P. Pandya (2016: 2). 

      In the latter two phases of life, as specified by the asrama plan, all three aspects of self, social, and cosmic are visible in some form. 

      While the concept of gruhastha denotes a materialistic outlook on life, the concept of vanaprastha or sannyasa denotes a more cosmic and transcendent outlook on existence, as expressed by the concept of gem-transcendence. 



      The vanaprastha-sannyasa phases, as defined by the ashrama plan, provide the person in gem-transcendence with the isolation he or she craves. 



      The solitude of the forest in vanaprasthasrama assists a person in escaping the flutter of daily existence, allowing sufficient possibilities to begin contemplating on life's greater ideals. 

      This stage is more significant in theory since it is closer to the last stage (death and dying) and moksha (liberation). 

      The vanaprastha stage emphasizes that one's status cannot be reduced to the society's secular needs, which place a premium on production and money (Radhakrishnan 2009: 63). 



      The goal of sannyasa is to achieve spiritual independence, which is in direct contrast to the requirements of a wealthy society. 


      "This stage suggests that human existence has a deeper value, that it is not finished in just being born, growing up, marrying, making a living, forming a family, sustaining it, and dying away," writes Arulsamy (2000: 1). 

      Finding one's own self is more important than gaining significance. 

      In this respect, Radhakrishnan argues that, although the ultimate goal of a sannyasin is to achieve spiritual liberation, being oneself entails not only a release from worldly attachments but also a new connection to everyday life. 

      On the one hand, a person is free of the desire for wealth or glory, but on the other hand, he or she is neither thrilled nor disappointed by success or failure (Radhakrishnan 2009: 64). 



      With its focus on the transcendent sphere of existence, Hinduism, according to Samta P. Pandya, offers a rich spiritual tradition. 


      It has the benefit of promoting the concept of gero-transcendence (Pandya 2016: 2). 

      Despite physical decline, a human being becomes more spiritual as a result of the asrama approach (Tiwari and Pandey 20 13). 

      Old age, according to Shrinivas Tilak, is not a period of total disengagement, but rather a period of differentiation, in which one must practice whatever enables one to reach a higher level of spiritual growth. 

      Tilak (1989) defines liberation as "leading a meaningful life and understanding the art of gently departing the earth at the end" (Tilak 1989). 

      (Rajan 2001: 9) 23 This is why vanaprastha-sannyasa ahsrama advises a stage dedicated to honoring the elderly (the Sruti-Smrti tradition in India). 

       



      Considering the Ashrama scheme's relevance in today's world.


       



      The spirit of accommodation or flexibility is one of the primary qualities of Hindu religious thought. 


      Modernism and its adherents in India's contemporary cosmopolitan middle class are said to participate in new social forms related to aging. 

      Living at an old-age home, for example, is seen as a kind of vanaprasthasrama for the elderly. 

      According to Sarah Lamb, many in India see old age home living as analogous to the 'forest-dwelling' recommended by the vanaprastha life phase (the severance of familial and worldly connections in order to achieve spiritual awareness) (Lamb 2007:57). 

      Sarah Lamb states that the majority of houses still follow the notion of'spiritual forest living' and seva or service in their policy, based on an ethnographic study project done in 29 homes of elderly individuals in Kolkata. 



      "To give' a life away from the noise of family, spent in solidarity and religious activities,' a location to pursue vanaprastha ashrama (the 'forest living' phase)," said the purpose of one of the institutions for the aged (Lamb 2007: 57). 



      As the world changes, many such houses provide a new sense of self and individuality, particularly for women, that is distinct from the intergenerational family, which maintains reliance and gendered relationships. 

      These houses often foster autonomous and egalitarian ways of life for the elderly, overcoming the restrictions of conventional joint family care (ibid.). 

      Another sociological research, conducted by Samta P. Pandya, indicates that "aging was a condition of mind, something that could be adjusted with... and death was a process that lead to God near" for the majority of inmates of Pitamaha Sadans, the Chinmaya Mission's old age home (Pandya 2016: 1). 



      In this manner, the Hindu mind accepts and adapts the Ashrama system of life to the developing and changing existence in modern society. 


      Many Hindu groups are now working to assist the elderly in overcoming the challenges of aging, including both medical and psycho-moral issues. 

      Although the intergenerational joint family remains the most common location for old people to live and be cared for in India, public and private institutions, as well as numerous individuals, are increasingly taking on the task of caring for the elderly (Lamb 2005: 80). 

      Caring for the elderly is seen as "an essential component of a reciprocal intergenerational cycle and a type of moral religious obligation or dharma" (Lamb 2019: 1). 



      However, in modern India, there has been a sharp increase in the number of 'non-traditional, joint family oriented ageing' facilities that provide care for the elderly. 


      "Many old-age homes market themselves as contemporary places for delivering seva (respectful care) and a forest-dwelling lifestyle to today's senior people," Sarah Lamb notes (Lamb 2019: 2). 

      If a spirituality of ageing, as represented by the ashrama plan and the concept of gem-transcendence, is considered while dealing with difficulties concerning the elderly, it is clear that religion continues to have an influence on the quality of care provided to the elderly. (Kimble et al. eds. 1995: 5)  

      Because India is recognized for its religious and spiritual diversity, it is difficult to establish and encourage a beautiful aging process. 


      In this sense, the modern interpretation of the vanaprastha-sannyasa plan of existence via the lens of gem-transcendence is crucial. 

      "A change from a materialistic and pragmatic worldview to a more cosmic and transcendent one" is how it's characterized (Braam et al. 2006: 121). 



      Final Thoughts 


      Hinduism, by its very nature as a way of life with its teachings and practices, has a long history of concern for the care, healing, and well-being of all living beings. 




      Individual care, beginning before birth and going beyond death, is ingrained in Hindu Samskaras practice. 


      Purushartha, with its focus on dharma and the challenge of fulfilling artha and kama, is inherent in societal well-being. 


      Similarly, paii9amahiiyajnas show concern and well-being for all creatures on the planet, not just humans. 

      Ayurveda reflects Hinduism's emphasis on healing, particularly in its idea of holistic health as embodied in the practice of yoga. 


      Despite the fact that the family is the traditional support structure for providing care and well-being for the elderly, India is undergoing changes. 


      Nonetheless, the traditional reliance on beloved and particular deities for care during sickness and crises demonstrates how Hinduism continues to have a strong hold on its adherents. 

      Hinduism has developed to accommodate the changing world, with all its problems, thanks to a spirit of accommodation and adaptation. 


      The goal of renaissance Hinduism, as well as other neo-Hindu groups and organizations, is to "serve mankind as service to god." Even in times of modernization, this concentration demonstrates its effectiveness. 


      The care provided to the elderly in nursing homes is highly regarded. 

      These locations are seen as useful areas for gracefully aging. 

      In this regard, the concept of gero-transcendence, which is implied in today's ashrama plan, plays a positive and essential role in Indian society. 


      As a result, despite new pressures arising from the present time of modernity and globalization, one can infer and emphatically say that care, healing, and well-being are not a thing of the past but still exist in the Hindu tradition.




      Kiran Atma





      References And Further Reading.



      Antoine, R. 1996a. "Hindu Ethics: 1. General Ethics." In Religious Hinduism, edited by R. DeSrnet and J. Neuner, pp. 149-158. Murnbai: St. Pauls. 

      Antoine, R. 1996b. "Rituals and Worship". In Religious Hinduism, edited by R. DeSrnet and J. Neuner, pp. 200-209. Murnbai: St. Pauls. 

      Antoine, R. 1996c. "The Hindu Saril.skaras." In Religious Hinduism, edited by R. DeSrnet and J. Neuner, pp. 210-219. Murnbai: St. Pauls. 

      Arulsamy, S. 2000. Religion for a New Society. Delhi: ISPCK. 

      Bowker, John. (ed.) 1997. The Oxford Dictionary of World Religions. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 

      Braam, Arjan W., et al. 2006. "Cosmic Transcendence and Framework of Meaning in Life: Patterns Among Older Adults in The Netherlands." The Journals of Gerontology- Series B 61 (3),pp. 121-128. DOl: 10.1093/geronb/61.3.Sl21. 

      Capistrant, B.D., et al. 2015. "Culture and Caregiving for Older Adults in India: A Qualitative Study," The Gerontologist 5(2), p.ll2. DOl: 10.1093/geront/gnv504.06. 

      Chaudhuri, Nirad C. 2012. Hinduism: A Religion to Live By [1st edition 1979]. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. 

      Dandekar, R.N. 1996. ''The Role of Man in Hinduism." In The Religion of the Hindus, edited by Kenneth M organ [first published 19 53], pp. 11 7-153. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidas. 

      Dasgupta, Surendranath. 1975. A History of Indian Philosophy, Vol. II [Cambridge Edition 1922], Delhi: Motilal Banarsidas. 

      Datta, Sukurnar. 2001. "Monasticisrn in India." In The Cultural Heritage of India, Vol. II, pp.582-593. Calcutta: The Rarnakrishna Mission Institute of Culture. 

      Devi, K.Urna. 2000. Women's Equality in India: A Myth or Reality? New Delhi: Discovering Publishing House. 

      Gautamananda, Swami. 2019. "Holistic Health." In Healthy Mind, Healthy Body: New Thoughts on Health [first published 1997] Chennai: Sri Ramakrishna Math, pp. 1-8. 

      Gengnagel, Jorg and Ute Hiisken (eds.) 2005. Words and Deeds: Hindu and Buddhist Rituals in 

      SouthAsia. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. 

      Griffith R. T. ( ed.) 1899. The Texts of the White Y ajurveda. https://www.sacred-texts.com/hin/wyv/index.htrn (accessed 13 Sept 2020). 

      Griswold, Harvey De Witt. 1996. Insights into Modern Hinduism. New Delhi: Aryan Books International. 

      Hall, C. Margaret. 1985. "Religion and Aging." Journal of Religion and Health 24(1 ), pp. 70-78. 

      Hinduscriptures. corn. 2021. "Hindu Samskaras." https://www.hinduscriptures.corn/vedic-culture/rituals/sixteen-sanskara/hindu-samskaras/11992/ (accessed 29 Sep 2021). 

      Ketchell, A., L. Pyles, and E. Canda. 2013. World Religious Views of Health and Healing. http://spiritualdiversity.ku.edu/sites/spiritualitydiversity.drupal.ku.edulfiles/docs/Health/World%20Religious%20Views%20of"/o20Health%20and%20Healing.pdf (accessed 10 Nov 2020). 

      Kimble, Melvin A., et al. (eds.) 1995. Aging, Spirituality and Religion: A Handbook. Minneapolis: Fortress Press. 

      Krishnan, Giri. 2020a. "Discovering the Dynamic Status ofWomen in Hindu Tradition: Re-reading of the Narratives of Hindu Women towards Gender Justice." UBS Journal (Union Biblical Seminary, Pune, India) 14(1), pp. 53-70. 

      Krishnan, Giri. 2020b. "Viinaprastha-Sannyiisa Schemes of Life as Gerotranscendence: An Appraisal of a Hindu Perspective of Ageing." In Ageing: Perspectival Explorations Towards Theo-Gerontology, edited by Songram Basurnatary, pp. 125-139. Chennai: Gurukul Publication. 

      Lamb, Sarah. 2005. "Cultural and Moral Values Surrounding Care and (In)Dependence in Late Life: Reflections from India in an Era of Global Modernity." Care Management Journals 6(2), pp. 80-89. 

      Lamb, Sarah. 2007. "Lives Outside the Family: Gender and the Rise of Elderly Residences in India." International Journal of Sociology of the Family 33(1), pp. 43-61. 

      Lamb, Sarah. 2019. "Hinduism Teachings and Aging." In Encyclopedia of Gerontology and Population Aging, edited by D. Gu and M. Dupre. DO I: 1 0.1007/978-3-319-69892-2~144-1. 

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