Remembering Kamla Bhasin, Indian Feminist Activist, Poet, Author, And Social Scientist.

Kamla Bhasin, a well-known feminist activist, died in the early hours of Saturday (25th of September 2021) after a long battle with cancer. She was 75 years old at the time. 

Bhasin, who was born in 1946 in the hamlet of Shahidanwaali in Punjab (now Pakistan), was known for her ability to speak to a room full of "anybodys" - diplomats, television viewers, feminists, and children, to name a few. 

The underlying theme, which she tailored to the audience, was always one of gender equality. 

After four years with a rural non-governmental organization named Seva Mandir in Udaipur, Bhasin joined the United Nations' Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) in 1976, where she worked until 2002. 

Sangat, a South Asian Feminist Network, was founded in 2004 by Bhasin and fellow feminists Abha Bhaiya, Runu Chakravarty, Gauri Choudhury, Sheba Chhacchi, Manjari Dingwaney, and Joginder Panghaal, with the assistance of Delhi-based feminist resource organization Jagori. 

Bhasin was involved in major feminist battles in the nation throughout the 1980s and 1990s, from rallies against dowry killings to demonstrations that led to reforms in the way rape and sexual assault were punished. 

She also helped to the cause by writing feminism, patriarchy, and violence pamphlets that were translated into various languages and served as the foundation for Women's Studies in a number of organizations. 

In the last decade, she has also been connected with Eve Ensler's One Billion Rising campaign to eliminate violence against women. 

Bhasin's FAO work brought her all across South Asia, where she met other female activists and formed lasting connections. 

Bhasin and other feminists from the Global South made a major contribution to the feminist movement by expanding its reach beyond national borders, ensuring that the movement also attacked the military-nationalist complex, which they saw as part of patriarchal oppression. 

Bhasin initially visited Pakistan after Partition in 1983, at the request of the Pakistani Family Planning Association, to assist them organize their work on women's empowerment. 

She met renowned feminist lawyer Asma Jahangir (who died in 2018) and other Women's Action Forum activists. 

During the 1980s, Bhasin and Nighat Said Khan from Pakistan, among others, assisted women from both countries in forging connections: they met for workshops, discussed relevant issues and protest strategies that drove the feminist movement in both countries, and, most importantly, they exchanged and re-wrote songs that were frequently sung during these protests. 

Kamla was a pioneer in the women's movement not just in India but also in South Asia. 

She had an incredible capacity to convey the most difficult topics, such as patriarchy, feminism, masculinity, peace, nonviolence, and development from the perspective of women, via rhyme, music, poetry, images, and texts. 

"She worked across generations, and she inspired a lot of young feminists all across South Asia,” said Kavita Srivastava, general secretary of the People's Union of Civil Liberties in Rajasthan, headquartered in Jaipur. 

Bhasin's talent to versify and narrate stories helped her establish and sustain relationships across boundaries. 

She quickly established a name as a songwriter and creator of children's rhymes. 

Bhasin's feminism was activism in action; the manner in which it was carried out was equally important: women had to meet, speak, sing, and laugh with one another; the transformation, she once told this writer, had to take place on the inside. 

“Tod tod kay bandhanon ko dekho bahnain aati hain...Ayengi, zulm mitaengi (breaking the shackles that hold them back, behold, the ladies have risen...)” is one of Bhasin's songs from the late 1970s and early 1980s. 

They'll be the ones to put an end to oppression)” — was inspired by popular Punjabi folklore and quickly became a fixture at most feminist events. 

Bhasin also brought shouts from feminist demonstrations on the other side of the border. 

She remembered learning the phrase "Meri behane maange Azaadi" from Pakistani feminists in an interview with the Hindustan Times in 2018. 

She subsequently claimed she invented the words. 

“The phrases would vary a lot depending on what we were demonstrating against, whether it was caste inequality, tribal injustice, or violence against women,” Bhasin added. 

Bhasin's rhymes challenged gender stereotypes and norms, including the well-known Dhammak Dham, a children's book published by UNICEF, and the poem "Kyunki mein ladki hun mujhe padhna hai/Padhne ki mujhe manahi hai so padhna hai (It's because I'm a girl, I want to study/ It's because I'm not meant to study Jagori adapted the rhymes to music and marketed them as audio cassettes and, subsequently, CDs. 

“When I think back on my thirty-plus years in the women's movement, Kamla's songs come to me first. These songs made me angry against patriarchy and happy to be a sister. Kamla's music defied categorization. They had nothing to do with victimization or agency. There were songs that were furious, sorrowful, funny, and passionate. They demonstrated that we were not alone and that change could be achieved. Kamla was a true ‘zinda dil,'” queer feminist activist Jaya Sharma remarked. 

Bhasin's appearance on Aamir Khan's Satyamev Jayate, where she spoke about the need for a paradigm shift in understanding rape – not as the victim's loss of honor, but the perpetrator's – was as significant as her ground-breaking speech at the Beijing Women's Conference in 1995: both received standing ovations. 

From the back seats, she could quietly applaud a heated gathering of India-Pakistan peace campaigners. 

However, determining her nationality would be challenging. 

When she was sick, she could use her wheelchair to mark the end of a hard night for the ladies of the area by reciting stirring poetry. 

She would, however, immediately explain. 

The trip was anti-patriarchy, not anti-men. 

Kamla Bhasin, who died on Saturday at the age of 75 after a brief battle with illness, is best known for grafting a phrase originally used by Pakistani women opposing Gen Ziaul Haq's tyranny on the Indian political system: the universal and unqualified demand for Azadi, or freedom. 

According to one account of the slogan's voyage to India, Bhasin, then in her forties, drew attention to herself during a Women's Studies Conference at Kolkata's Jadavpur University by beating a small drum and chanting a phrase. 

While surrounded by other women, ‘Azadi' stands up against patriarchy. 

Kamla Bhasin was inspired by the chant and created her own poetry based on its fundamental essence. 

“I know a lot of patriarchal, anti-women ladies, and I know a lot of guys who have spent their whole lives fighting for women's rights. Feminism is an idea, not a biological phenomenon.” 

What started as a feminist rallying cry was quickly applied to the struggles of laborers, dalits, and adivasis, among others. 

She delivered the now-famous words at a campaign to abolish violence against women called "One Billion Rising from South Asia."

 “For self-expression — Azadi/for celebration — Azadi... from patriarchy — Azadi/from hierarchy — Azadi/from unending violence — Azadi/from hopeless silence — Azadi...” 

Kamla Bhasin started working full-time on her feminist network Sangat after leaving her position at the United Nations in the 1970s. 

Bhasin was given a sad funeral in Delhi's Lodhi electric cremation, and tributes came in from all across South Asia. 

Prashant Bhu­shan, a prominent human rights lawyer, stated, "She was not just a women's rights fighter, but also a philanthropist who established and helped establish several excellent public interest organizations like Jagori in HP and School for Democracy in Rajasthan." “She will be sorely missed.” 

Books, Writings as well as other Scholarly works 

She authored books and pamphlets about patriarchy and gender that have been translated into almost 30 languages. 

       

       

 

Many NGOs now utilize them to assist people understand gender problems. 

Her book, Feminism & Its Relevance in South Asia, which she co-authored with Bindia Thapar and was originally published in 2005, was reprinted in 2013 and now has a Hindi edition (Hasna Toh Sangharsho Mein Bhi Zaroori Hai). 

Borders & Boundaries: Women in India's Partition, Understanding Gender, and What Is Patriarchy? are some of her other notable works. 

She envisioned a feminist movement that transcended class, borders, and other binary social divides in her writings and politics. 

She was a key figure in South Asia's One Billion Rising campaign. 

She traveled to Kathmandu, Nepal, to kick off the 2017 edition of the movement. 

She read her renowned Azadi poem to great applause and audience involvement at a One Billion Rising event in New Delhi in 2013. 

Ideologies

She spoke out against capitalism's role as a patriarchal actor in the objectification of women's bodies. 

Her hatred of capitalism, on the other hand, sprang from a far more fundamental political position. 

She said that the contemporary family's nature is founded on the idea of ownership. 

"It all began with the creation of private property. 

People wanted to leave a legacy, but since there were no families, males had no idea who their children were. 

Only women were recognized as moms. 

That's when patriarchy arrived," she said. 

Furthermore, she said that contemporary neoliberal capitalism, with its grotesque numbers such as the pornography and cosmetics industries, each worth billions of dollars, reduces women to their bodies. 

Furthermore, these sectors encourage women to be dehumanized, which adds to a culture of violence and abuse. 

"So what's the harm in rapping or touching you once you're a body?" Kamla inquires. 

She criticizes capitalism as a system in which everything is for sale and profits take precedence over individuals. 

"India needs a cultural revolution," Bhasin remarked.

She hated the fact that women in South Asia are enslaved by a plethora of societal traditions and beliefs that support and uphold patriarchy. 

"Patriarchy is often justified using religion as a shield. 

When you ask a question, you will be answered, "yeh toh hamara sanskar hai, riwaaj hai (This is our culture, our customs)." In a 2013 interview with The Hindu, she said, "And when this is done, it implies reasoning has finished and believe has crept in." She questioned the legitimacy and history of common words, as well as patriarchal notions in language. 

The Hindi term swami, which is often used for a partner, for example, connotes 'lord' or 'owner,' as does the word 'husband,' which has its origins in animal husbandry. 

She declared all of these practices to be in violation of India's constitution, which guarantees every woman the right to equality and a decent existence. 

Feminist theory perspectives 

Feminism is not a western idea, according to Bhasin. 

She emphasized that Indian feminism is rooted in the country's own trials and tragedies. 

She said that she did not become a feminist by reading other feminists, but rather as part of a broader natural progression from being a development worker to becoming a feminist development worker. 

She said that it is a common occurrence. 

"People are not pleased with feminism, and even if I name it XYZ, they will still be opposed," she remarked when asked what she had to say about the assumption that the word feminism antagonizes a lot of people. 

It's because they're bothered by the idea that we desire freedom and equality, and there are a lot of individuals, conventions, and traditions that oppose women's liberation.” 

While she acknowledged that theory and action must work together for change to occur, she also believes that feminist theory is critical. 

Social scientists, feminists, and academics were often consulted and collaborated with in her seminars. 

They may be characterized as a union of action and philosophy. 

Feminism, she insisted, is not a battle between men and women. 

She described the conflict as a battle between two philosophies. 

One that empowers males and elevates them, and the other that promotes equality. 

Bhasin is survived by four siblings, including former Rajasthan lawmaker Bina Kak, as well as a disabled son, Jeet. 

Meeto Bhasin Malik, her only child, committed suicide in 2006. 

Bhasin's funeral was conducted at the Lodi Road crematorium in New Delhi on September 25.

You may also want to read more about India here.

Defining Hinduism by its History

'Hinduism' is an English term coined by Raja Rammohan Roy, an Indian social reformer, in 1816 and 1817. Rammohan Roy, a Hindu by birth and an outspoken critic of Hinduism as it was taught at the time, coined the phrase to characterize the religion of his forefathers, who believed in the unity of God, as'real Hinduism.' The word 'Hindu' is derived from the ancient Persian expression 'Sindhu', the name of the Indus river, which was initially used to describe a person who lived in the lands east of the Indus. While Al-Biruni in the eleventh century AD provided a precise and accurate description of those beliefs and practices, it is unclear how and when 'Hindu' with its ethno-geographical connotation came to mean a society with recognizable socio-religious beliefs and practices. The archaeology of Hindu worship and religion can be found in South Asia in the second millennium BC and Southeast Asia in the early-mid first millennium AD. Hinduism is still a living religion in India, Nepal, and Southeast Asia, where it lost its dominance in the thirteenth to fifteenth centuries, with just around 5% in Singapore, 2% in Indonesia, though more than 90% of the Balinese, and a very small group of Chams in south-central Asia.

 

What distinguishes Hinduism as a faith in terms of worship and ritual? The explanation of Hindu ritual conduct in India:

Within each or more of these classes, the average middle-class Hindu may be brought by one or more aspects of his daily religious practice, namely:

1. The veneration of ordinary stocks and stones, as well as local arrangements that are odd or grotesque in scale, form, or place.

2. The veneration of inanimate objects endowed with enigmatic motion.

3. Creatures who are hated are worshipped.

4. The veneration of visible, animate, or inanimate objects that are explicitly or indirectly useful and beneficial, or that have some nonsensical purpose or property.

5. Worship of a Deo, or ghost, a formless and empty object - a hazy impersonation of the strange feeling that comes over in some locations.

6. Worship of departed ancestors and other people that were familiar to the worshipper throughout their lifetime.

7. At shrines, people who had a good reputation in life or who died in a strange or famous manner are worshipped.

8. The worship of demigods or minor deities as demigods or subordinate deities in temples.

9. Worship of various territorial incarnations of the elder gods, as well as their representations.

10. The worship of departmental or sub-deities.

11. Hinduism's supreme gods, as well as their ancient incarnations and personifications, as documented in the Brahmanic scriptures.

And, in terms of the types of worship described in the just-completed catalogue, they are all heavily tinged by a heavy skylight reflection of overarching Brahmanism, from which the upper classes now claim to derive their meanings instantly.

 

Hinduism is defined largely in terms of what Hindus 'do' rather than what they 'say,' according to this definition. Hinduism, unlike Buddhism, Christianity, and Islam, does not have a historical creator or a codified canon that all adherents embrace. Hindu holy books are an incomplete guide to what the faith is about because they emphasize only certain elements based on the context from which they were written. Archaeology, with its focus on experience rather than contemplation, is a good place to start when looking into Hinduism's history.

Archaeological evidence has long been used to study Hinduism: temple architecture, statues, pictures and their iconography, and the spatial distribution of inscriptions are among the most studied categories. The body of Indian archaeological evidence from specific time periods needs to be analyzed on a regular basis. The essay explores holy sites in several spatial and temporal perspectives, from early historic Rajasthan to mediaeval Vijayanagara to Bali, to add to archaeology's contributions to the study of Hinduism. Another critical part of Lyall's interpretation is his focus on the overlapping existence of many modes of rituals and worship in most practicing Hindus' life cycles. The appearance of some of these elements in the Indian archaeological record indicates that they date from the late centuries BC; however, several of these elements seem to have a much longer ancestry. The apsidal finished shrines are part of a religious architectural pattern that dates to the third and second centuries BC. At third-millennium BC Nindowari in Baluchistan, the tradition of placing votive figurines at shrines is as old as the ceremonial obsession with cultic bathing - which would find continuity in later Hinduism's sanctity associated with water - and the worship of trees, with Harappan sites yielding evidence of both. But does the existence of certain elements imply that Hinduism can be traced back to India's protohistoric cultures? The substantive disparity in proof character cautions against drawing such a simple conclusion. For eg, at the Daimabad site in the second millennium BC, an agate phallus - later a symbol of the god Shiva, a member of the Brahmanical triad particularly synonymous with devastation - was discovered in an ash-filled pit, but it is only one specimen from a culture that spanned a wide area in Maharashtra. In comparison, there are many types of evidence of Shiva worship from the late centuries BC, including lingas or phallus, depictions of devotees worshipping a Shiva-linga, and emblems consistent with Shiva worship on coins. 

By this time, a few deities had developed a transregional influence, and a worshipper of one deity in one place would have been completely at ease worshipping the same deity in another. Many regions of early historic India, for example, had deities synonymous with fertility, water, and safety, as well as shrines for their worship. The Brahmanical system, with its numerous socio-religious sanctions and legislation, was still in effect by this period, and was a defining characteristic of Hinduism. For the first time, a cohesive body of evidence dating from the late centuries BC in South Asia and the early-mid first millennium AD in Southeast Asia has been assembled, allowing the 'archaeology of Hinduism' to be mapped out. As a result, this essay does not subscribe to the view that Hinduism was a nineteenth-century colonial invention, as premodern sources reveal the existence of Hinduism as a religious system of beliefs and practices, and the Dharmasastra texts, some of which date back to the second century BC, are a clear indicator of a self-aware social and religious identity.

Furthermore, the archaeological prominence of Hindu values and practices in India in the late centuries BC, which coincided with the advent of a materially configured Buddhism, may have been partially a reaction to and a result of a broader engagement with contemporary religious groups that contested the Brahmanical tradition's dominance. The Mauryan dynasty's consolidation of urban development and development of a pan-Indian empire were key factors in the convergence of early India's religions. In a situation where various religious traditions were both in conversation and rivalry with each other, worshippers of Shiva, Vishnu, and other Hindu gods and goddesses seem to have created and consolidated their own material language of theistic worship. Architectural, sculptural, inscriptional, and other material evidence for Hindu beliefs and practices exist many centuries later in Southeast Asia - especially from the Malay Peninsula, parts of Cambodia, Laos, Vietnam, and Thailand, and some of the Indonesian archipelago's islands - but not simultaneously or identically manifested in all of these regions. Two early sources of evidence currently come from Vietnam and two Indonesian islands: from the former comes the Vo Canh inscription written in Sanskrit on three sides of a stupa, and which is dated palaeographically to the third century AD: 'The surviving passages appear to describe a donation of wealth made by "the joy of the family of the daughter of the grandson of the king Sri Mara" to give equality to his sons, brothers and male descendants .... Theological words used in the text are most likely Hindu in origin, but they come from a pre-Puranic tradition.' Slightly later are the east Kalimanatan stone pillars or stupa, inscribed with Sanskrit verses and dated palaeographically to c. the fourth-fifth century AD, which commemorate gifts given to brahmins for their performance of rituals characteristic of archaic Hindu practices in India on behalf of king Mulavarman.

Several fifth-century Sanskrit inscriptions from a polity named Taruma or Tarumanagara, which refer to Hindu deities, as well as fifth-sixth-century Vishnu sculptures, lingas, and other Hindu-related materials from Cibuaya, have yielded roughly contemporary evidence. Evidence of the local acceptance or transformation of other Indian ideas and components, such as Buddhism, which coexisted and or or fluctuated in dominance within any given region during the premodern period, models of kingship and social order, Sanskrit, the calendrical structure, literary practices, and so on, occurs around the early-mid-first millennium AD. The fact that Hinduism has been shaped and reshaped by numerous influences over its history in South and Southeast Asia warrants further investigation.

 

Identifying prayer and ceremonial spaces

 

Hindu worship and practice are made up of intertwined components that can be used in both public and private spaces. Though a detailed examination of this rich and diverse geography is beyond the reach of this article, the following section provides a general typology of the contexts in which Hindu worship took place.

 

Temples are a form of religious structure.

The temple, which was found both within and outside villages, was the most visible place of Hindu worship. The first temples in South Asia appear in the late centuries BC, and although no complete specimen has survived, the ground plans indicate a variety of forms, ranging from elliptical to apsidal. Many depictions of temples in Indian art from the late centuries BC are made of perishable materials. Temples of this kind were popular in village India until recently, implying that, although excavated stone examples date from the late centuries BC, temples made of clay, bamboo, or wood may predate them. The earliest temples in Southeast Asia date from the mid-first millennium AD, and are known from the remains of their foundations, as in India. For example, remains of fourth-sixth-century AD brick temples and a fifth-seventh-century AD stone and brick temple foundation and linga uncovered at Nen Chua, and remains of a sixth century Vaishnodevi temple uncovered in the Malay Peninsula. Shrines were often made of perishable materials, but whether they predate the oldest temples in Southeast Asia made of robust materials needs further research. The remaining shrines from the fourth to sixth centuries AD, coinciding with the Gupta dynasty, are comparatively complete, with most of them having been discovered in central and north India.

Temple plans were more elaborate in the intervening years, with podiums, superstructures, colonnaded rooms, vestibules, and open courts. They are often adorned with reliefs portraying saints, mythological scenes, and regal processions. However, though elaborate buildings became more prevalent in later times, such as at mediaeval Vijayanagara; similarly, architecturally simplistic shrines did not vanish in Southeast Asia, such as at Angkor. As temples generally enshrined a presiding deity, which, particularly from early shrines, often no longer survives in situ, an immense wealth of Hindu icons of worship are encountered in South and Southeast Asia - rendered in a variety of mediums such as wood, stone, various metals, and terracotta - as temples generally enshrined a presiding deity which, especially from early shrines, often no longer survives in situ. Where they do exist, they can be interpreted in a variety of ways.

Shiva was worshipped in his aniconic form, the phallic symbol, and sometimes in his human form, or a mixture of both. Vishnu, or the preserver deity of the Brahmanical triad, was generally worshipped by images. Brahma, the triad's creator deity, was often depicted in human form, but his popularity as a cult god was limited. In India, goddesses such as Gajalakshmi and Mahishasuramardini were widely worshipped, and some of the oldest temples featured goddesses like Gajalakshmi and Mahishasuramardini on plaques. There were also classic depictions of animal-human hybrids, such as Ganesha, the elephant-headed deity. Humans were often often depicted as animals, such as Vishnu as Matsya, a shark, Kurma, a tortoise, Varaha, a boar, and Kalki, a horse. Outside of temples, images were revered in open air shrines and when carried in processions, such as many of the famed South Indian bronzes carried in processions.

Texts identify a wide range of temple rituals, and archaeological representations of those activities can be looked for when excavating temple sites. Some of them started well before the foundation was built. For example, after a location was selected, it had to be consecrated by foundation ceremonies; ceremonial deposits were often deposited in temple foundations. Furthermore, some temple rituals have left material remains, such as large terracotta bowls excavated from the temple areas at Bhitari in north India between AD 450 and 550, which were likely used to give food to the deity or for the ceremonial feeding of large numbers of worshippers or pilgrims. Sprinklers or from the Bhitari temple fields, which priests likely used to sprinkle water when doing worship; animals sacrificed for the deity or e.g. domestic sheep and humped cattle bones were discovered in the inner sanctum of the Parasuramesvara temple in Gudimallam, Andhra Pradesh. Votive offerings in the shape of terracotta figurines of various gods and goddesses, as well as lamps, ablution basins, and votive offerings in the form of terracotta figurines of various gods and goddesses.

Generally, the votive figurines given were associated with the shrine's presiding deity, though this was not always the case. In addition to a Vishnu portrait and sculpted panels portraying him, the excavated votive artefacts at the ninth-century AD Avantisvami temple in Kashmir dedicated to Vishnu contained terracotta miniature lingas, which were usually rendered to Shiva. The appearance of such offerings can be explained by the surrounding presence of a Shiva temple or Avantisvara: devotees may have reached the Avantisvami temple after worshipping Shiva there, bearing the same kind of paraphernalia that was used for Shiva worship. They made miniature linga offerings to Vishnu as well, disregarding those who believed Vishnu and Shiva worship were mutually exclusive. Mendicants and preceptors have traditionally held a special role in Hinduism, which is also evident in the temples with which they were associated during their lifetimes. 

The temple of Srirangam in Tamil Nadu, dedicated to Vishnu, is a well-known example of this; the twelfth-century Hindu reformer and philosopher Ramanuja lived here for a large part of his life and, evidently, was also buried here, his shrine being built at that exact place. Although the origins of this tradition are unknown, evidence of teacher shrines can be found as early as the Gupta period, for example, a c. fourth-century AD stone pilaster from Mathura bears an inscription suggesting that it was used in a shrine dedicated to recalling a line of Maheshvara teachers. Preceptors may also influence the design of temples constructed by their devotees.

 

Tanks, sacrifice places, and folk shrines

Though temples remain the most spectacular of Hinduism's holy sites, public ceremonies were not exclusive to them. Other arenas include sacrificial sites, areas where ceremonial donations are publicly performed, prayer near rivers, and village shrines. The options for identifying such locations, as well as the nature of archaeological evidence that may shed light on the related rituals, are discussed further below. Many of India's popular Hindu pilgrimage sites are situated at the source or along the banks of rivers, where ancestor oblations, river worship with fire, and bathing in them on special days are all practiced on a regular basis. Such performances rarely leave permanent archaeological marks or Hooja, according to this article, while Sringaverapura, on the left bank of the Ganga river, is one site that has yielded such evidence in connection with a water source. 

The river was some distance from the village in ancient times, so a huge tank complex was built to provide good potable water for the inhabitants. The system drained water from the river into a silting chamber and a series of tanks through a canal. In the first century AD, one of them, Tank C, became associated with certain religious rites, and among the remains are terracotta figurines of deities such as Kubera, Shiva, Parvati, and Hariti or Shashthi, as well as animals and votive tanks. The essence of the ceremonies that necessitated such objects remains unclear, but the tank complex seems to have served a dual purpose: its waters offered both physical and moral nourishment. Outside of temples, archaeological remnants of public ceremonies can be found in specially prepared grounds or spaces for the execution of sacrifices. There are brick platforms in the shape of a syena, hawk, or eagle with spread wings at Jagatgram, in the north Indian state of Uttaranchal, that closely resemble descriptions in Vedic literature.

The epigraphs on some bricks show that these consecrate rites were associated with the asvamedha or horse sacrifice. Oblations of various kinds were commonly offered at such sacrifices, but no such evidence has been found at Jagatgram. However, the Kushana period from AD 100-300 altars at Sanghol in Punjab have yielded large quantities of organic material from ritual fire altars, and a palaeobotanical investigation of these Kushana period from AD 100-300 altars confirmed that the material was of the kind that was usually used in sacrifices, e.g. of various food grains, such as rice, barley, black gramme, lentil, and sesame; edible fruits These findings bring to life, possibly for the first time, the detailed depictions of intricate sacrificial sacrifices and oblations used in Hindu religious texts. The question of social access to worship and the rights of various communities to conduct rites at Indian religious sites is typically overlooked in archaeological studies. While it is difficult to find archaeological evidence of the Brahmanical system in Southeast Asia, in which different social classes were given entry based on their caste hierarchy position, or which only occurred in theory, it is difficult to believe that such sites were not distinguished by caste exclusions.

Given that the Arthasastra, a text from the late third millennium BC, prescribed where the cremation grounds of the various varnas, or four social divisions, should be located, it seems possible that not everybody was granted entry to arenas like temples, to worship and conduct rituals there. In terms of whether there were any arenas outside of temple Hinduism where all these communities could come together to pray, ethnographic records indicate that there were. The 'Devi,' or goddess, who is commonly revered in such places, is represented by a variety of village shrines, ranging from artificial platforms on which a rough stone is worshipped as her embodiment to natural objects such as trees, caves, and hills. 

Since Brahman priests are not expected to mediate at these shrines, devotees from all social classes attend. Similarly, ethnographic accounts of village shrines are likely to be signifiers of a premodern existence, as folk gods revered at such shrines can be found in the early historical record. In the Hindu tradition, public places of worship and ceremony were of different forms, some of which were distinguished by caste sanctions that revealed limits. Convergences and backgrounds with shared social values and tolerances may also exist; village shrines were one such intersection point.

 

Worship in the home

Hindu rites and worship took place in a variety of domestic settings. Unfortunately, little is known archaeologically about domestic-level Hindu activities in Southeast Asia; much of what is currently known is focused largely on what can be gleaned from excavation reports of historic settlements in India, especially data on their structural remains. One point to remember is that, much as today, citizens of diverse religious faiths lived together, resulting in the spatial coexistence of various forms of domestic worship. Excavations at Kapilavastu, for example, have uncovered habitational evidence dating from about 800 BC to the third century AD, as well as terracotta Buddha figures attesting to Buddhist icon worship in the early centuries AD. 

However, as shown by terracotta heads or, for example, one depicting Shiva with a snake-hood on top and a long yajyopavita or holy thread on his back, there were Shiva devotees. Jains may have also worshipped there, as evidenced by the presence of a naked Jina figure or ibid. on the terracottas. In India, terracotta figurines, votive terracotta reservoirs, and female and male figurines were commonly used in domestic worship. Female terracotta figurines have been discovered in ancient rural settlements, such as Narhan, where they were particularly prevalent between c. 200 BC and AD 600. Some of the plaques at Narhan are of the same genre as those found in the north Indian cities of Tamluk, Kausambi, Ahicchhatra, and Rajghat, implying that those who believed in the influence of this 'goddess' comprised a wide cross-section of urban and rural communities. It's also worth noting that female figurines and terracotta votive tanks are commonplace items with nothing particularly 'Hindu,' 'Buddhist,' or 'Jain' about them when seen in isolation. As a result, interpretations of them as Hindu ritual markers must be dependent on their archaeological background.

Tantra - Tantric Civilization Of India

Tantric Civilization is a term used to describe a society that is Tantric texts and ideas became increasingly influential from the early common era through their expansion in the tenth, eleventh, and twelfth centuries, and while these traditions were largely attenuated due to Muslim polities in South Asia, their influence was felt well into the nineteenth century and later modernity.

• We might even talk of a 'tantric civilization' blooming throughout the medieval era, prior to the establishment of the Delhi Sultanate's rule, and continuing thereafter in the South and Nepal.

• While the notion of civilization originated with the formation of historical awareness in the West, it is a word that can be usefully applied elsewhere, and we may use it simply as a shorthand for macro-cultural forces at work.

• While the focus is on the micro rather than the macro level of culture, when considering texts and their expression in practice, we must consider the broader historical contexts in which these texts and practices arose, as well as propose ways in which the micro-structure of tantric revelation internalization articulates with broader social and political forces.

We can consider 'civilization' to be a broader concept than 'society,' in that a civilization may contain multiple social systems and, unlike a social system, is not teleological: 

• A civilization is not functional in the way that a society is in directly maintaining the specificity of power relations such as kinship and family dynamics.

• A civilization, unlike 'culture,' may include a polity or structural politics that articulates with culture and social structure and is physically situated across a specific geographic region.

• In earlier literature, there are Sanskrit equivalents for the word 'civilization,' such as Aryavarta, the homeland of the Aryans, a region to the north of the Vindhya mountains, which is contrasted to the country of 'barbarians,' mleccha) outside of this.

• Aryavarta is the realm of karmabhumi (ritual activity), where liberation is attainable and dharma is upheld.

• There are other words for 'civilization' that imply refinement, politeness, and sophistication, such as sabhya, which means 'to be at court' or polished and courteous, and suslla, which means 'cultured.' 

• 'Tantric civilization' does not have a literal translation, but it does communicate the essential notion that tantric traditions have historical depth, textual semantic richness, and ideals represented in art and politics.

The Tantras and their traditions are concerned not only with individual practice leading to personal objectives of power and/or liberation, but also with larger cultural and political developments, especially temple construction and, closely linked to this, monarch legitimization.

Tantric civilization arose within the 'Sanskrit cosmopolis,' a transcultural formation centered on Sanskrit as a written, literary language of culture articulated in 'literature' (kavya) and the 'praise poem' (prasasti) found particularly in inscriptions issued from the courts of kings.

• Imperial forms adopted into the idea that a righteous monarch is one who encourages proper language (sadhusabda) , which helped legitimize their power, but it cannot be reduced to this.

• However, although there was the growth of vernacular languages as the preferred medium for expressing identity and ethnicity from approximately 1000 to 1500 CE, there was also the formation of a Sanskrit cosmopolis across South and Southeast Asia throughout the early years of the common period.

• These deliberately defined themselves in reference to the Sanskritic model; one has done it in regard to Kannada, while the other has done so in connection to Malayalam literature development.

• The development of the Tantras must be understood within this cultural-linguistic backdrop, especially given that they were written in Sanskrit at a period when regional vernaculars were forming.

This Sanskrit is not polished and highly literate in many texts, a characteristic referred to as 'divine' (aim), implying that the authors and redactors of these texts were not entirely at ease in this environment but saw it as necessary to situate these texts and traditions within the larger, 'high' literary culture of the Sanskrit cosmopolis.

• While the great edifice of Sanskrit literature and traditions cannot be reduced to a means of articulating and legitimizing political authority in medieval India, it did express and legitimize a kingship ideology that sees polity as the expression of divine power, with that power being expressed in the construction of temples. This structure is influenced by the Tantras.

• Despite the fact that legitimizing monarchs is not their primary purpose, they have come to be utilized in this manner.

• The tantric writings are part of the Sanskrit cosmopolis, and as such, they must be considered alongside literature that reflects ideals contained in the 'goals of life' (purusartha), on the one hand, and the development of vernaculars, on the other.

Tantrism did have an effect on popular devotionalism (bhakti), particularly in its sexual, Vaisnava forms, and tantric civilization is seen at the village level, where tantric deities, particularly fierce goddesses and guardians, become essential for the community's existence.

Tantra is essential to understanding India's medieval cultural, religious, and political history.

• Tantra has been the primary religious paradigm of the vast majority of the people of the Indian subcontinent for over a millennium.

• It is against this backdrop that Indian religious civilization has developed. 

• The body, or more particularly the divinization of the body, which is its en-textualization, is probably the core metaphor of this civilization.

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Hinduism - What Are The Populations From The Hindu Diaspora?

Although the great majority of Hindus reside in their traditional homeland of South Asia, mainly India and Nepal, Hindus have long settled in other countries. 

Hindu merchants had disseminated Indian influence across Southeast Asia by the fourth century C.E., as shown by the structures at the Angkor temple complex and the culture of Bali. 

Poverty and congestion in many regions of India (particularly Bihar) drove many of these merchants to work as agricultural contract workers in Fiji, South Africa, East Africa, the West Indies, Mauritius, and even Sri Lanka in the previous century. 

Despite the fact that their local status varies, all of these towns have significant Hindu populations. 

In some of these countries, Indians are treated equally to indigenous peoples, whereas in others, such as Fiji, they face legal challenges. 

Apart from agricultural work, serving in the British army or civil service in other regions of the British Empire, such as Singapore or Hong Kong, provided another opportunity for mobility and promotion. 

Finally, following the conclusion of World War II, immigration and nationalization regulations have been liberalized, resulting in the formation of a sizable Hindu community in North America, both in Canada and the United States.

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Ayurveda in a Nutshell

 

A science of the body, derived from great ideas, ancient civilizations, and religion of the soul. India, a country in South Asia, never saw knowledge as a distinct entity, but as part of a larger system geared to foster human pleasure, health, and progress. 

The love of truth is what philosophy is all about. Science is the process of discovering the truth via experimentation. Religion is the discovery of truth and its application in daily life. 

Ayurveda, or the science of life, is a systematized knowledge and practical wisdom that includes all aspects of life, including the body, mind, and spirit. It, like all sciences, has both a practical and theoretical component. 

Understanding the fundamentals of Ayurvedic theory will help you make the most of the practical instructions that follow later in this book. This first chapter may appear abstract at first, but please be patient and study it carefully since it is the foundation for all that follows.

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Hinduism - What Are The Seals Of The Indus Valley?

 

Small square or rectangular-shaped slabs of soapstone, considered to have been official seals for merchants and other persons, are the most perplexing items from the Indus Valley civilization.

More than two thousand of these seals, which typically combine a graphic picture with an inscription, have been discovered by archaeologists.

The majority of the seal pictures depict normal household animals, mainly the bull, although a few depict mythological species like unicorns or even stranger human beings.

One well-known example of the latter depicts a human person strangling a tiger with each hand, maybe a fabled hero.

A horned guy appears in two different poses, one standing in front of a table and the other seated in a yoga-like stance.

He is often recognized as an early version of the god Shiva and offered as proof that Shiva's religion originated in the towns of the Indus Valley.

Much less is known about the seal inscriptions since the writing system for these inscriptions has never been decoded, despite several ideas.

One of the reasons for the dispute is a difference of opinion on the Indus Valley culture.

Those who think that the Indus Valley civilization existed before the Aryans arrived and was separate from them search for proof in the Dravidian language family, which is linguistically distinct from the Indo-Aryan language family.

Those who believe in the Indigenous Aryan theory, which links the Indus Valley civilization to that of the Aryans, look for proof in the Vedas, the oldest Sanskrit literature.

None of these explanations have been proven conclusive, and the inscriptions themselves add to the difficulties of understanding this writing.

Linguists have discovered 419 distinct symbols, which seems to be too numerous for the script to be alphabetical yet too few for each sign to stand for a single word, as in Chinese.

Because of the modest size of the seals, the inscriptions are usually quite brief.

Because the text is so short, it is difficult to grasp because it lacks the contextual patterns that a lengthier text would provide.

Linguists are working with a succession of brief and unconnected textual pieces in order to decipher these inscriptions.

The writing could most likely be read conclusively if a bilingual inscription was discovered, but in the absence of such a key, the issues may prove intractable.

F. Raymond Allchin's The Archaeology of Early Historic South Asia was published in 1995, while Romila Thapar's Interpreting Early India was published in 1992.

See David Frawley's The Myth of the Aryan Invasion of India (1994) and Vedic Aryans and the Origins of Civilization (1997) for the Indigenous Aryan perspective.

~Kiran Atma

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Hinduism - What Is Kalpavas? Who Are The Kalpavasis?

 

Kalpavas (meaning "dwelling for a kalpa") is a Sanskrit word that means "residence for a kalpa." During the annual Magh Mela event in Allahabad during the lunar month of Magh (January–February), a strict religious vow is made.

The confluence of two holy rivers, the Ganges and the Yamuna, is where Allahabad is located.

The fundamental religious rite of the celebration is bathing (snana) at this point.

Although most visitors only remain for a few days during the festival, kalpavasis, or persons who have taken the kalpavas vow, stay for the full month.

Kalpavasis also promise to follow a rigorous ascetic lifestyle that includes daily baths in the Ganges, a limited diet, specific attire and worship, and participation at religious meetings known as satsang.

The ascetics from all over South Asia who come to bathe in the hallowed waters are the main players in the Kumbha Mela.

According to legend, the great philosopher Shankaracharya founded the Kumbha Mela to encourage regular meetings of educated and holy men as a way to reinforce, preserve, and disseminate Hindu religious ideas.

 

Kalpavasis: The Spiritual Heart of the Kumbh Mela

The Kumbh Mela, a colossal gathering of Hindu pilgrims, is renowned for its vibrant spectacle and profound spiritual significance. At the heart of this mega-event reside the Kalpavasis, a unique group of ascetics and devotees who embody the essence of spiritual dedication. The term "Kalpavasis" translates to "dwellers of the Kalpa," referring to the immense cycles of time in Hindu cosmology. These individuals immerse themselves in a rigorous spiritual retreat during the Kumbh Mela, renouncing worldly comforts and dedicating themselves entirely to divine pursuits.

Kalpavasis exemplify the highest ideals of Hindu spirituality, characterized by unwavering devotion and rigorous self-discipline. They embrace a life of austerity, often residing in simple shelters within the Kumbh Mela grounds. Their daily routine involves a strict regimen of spiritual practices, including early morning dips in the sacred river, hours of meditation, chanting of mantras, and rigorous fasting. This austere lifestyle is aimed at purifying the mind and body, culminating in the ultimate goal of spiritual enlightenment and liberation from the cycle of birth and death.

Beyond their individual practices, Kalpavasis play a crucial role in fostering a strong sense of community within the Kumbh Mela. They often live in small groups, sharing resources and engaging in collective spiritual practices. This communal living fosters a supportive environment for spiritual growth and provides a powerful example of the transformative power of collective devotion.

The presence of Kalpavasis at the Kumbh Mela is of immense significance. They serve as living embodiments of Hindu ideals, inspiring millions of pilgrims with their unwavering devotion and selfless service. Many seek their blessings and guidance, considering them to be conduits of divine wisdom. Moreover, Kalpavasis play a vital role in preserving and transmitting the rich tapestry of Hindu traditions and values across generations.

Kalpavasis are an integral part of the Kumbh Mela, embodying the very essence of this extraordinary spiritual gathering. Their unwavering devotion, rigorous practices, and selfless service serve as an inspiration to millions, reminding us of the timeless values of renunciation, self-discipline, and the pursuit of spiritual enlightenment.

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